By YENI
Without Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s say-so, Burma can’t make a move. That was the subtext of his message to the nation on March 27, Armed Forces Day. It was a sobering reminder to the world and the Burmese people that this is a general who sees no need for compromise, and who expects the whole country to fall in line with his plans with the same unquestioning obedience as the 13,000 troops who paraded past him in a display of military might.
In his 17-minute speech, delivered at his new “royal” capital of Naypyidaw, Than Shwe rejected calls from the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) for a review of a new constitution approved last year in a referendum widely denounced as a sham. There will be no review, the general said, because the “constitution [was] adopted by the people.”
In defiance of diplomatic pressure to engage with the NLD and other pro-democracy forces, Than Shwe has made it abundantly clear that he is in no mood for reconciliation. After nearly twenty years of relentlessly persecuting the winners of the last election in 1990, he now believes that he is close to achieving his ultimate victory: an electoral outcome that guarantees his perpetual grip on power.
So far, the junta has disclosed few details about the election it has promised to hold sometime in 2010. No date has been set, and no candidates have been named. But in his speech, Than Shwe left no doubt about his intention to keep a firm hold over the proceedings. Political parties that carry out “mature party organizing work will receive the blessing of the government,” he said, implying that those who are “immature” enough to question the military’s right to rule as it sees fit can expect to be sidelined, or worse.
The regime has made no secret of the fact that “disciplined democracy” is essentially an extension of the current political arrangement, which elevates the armed forces above all other institutions.
Under its new constitution, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces—currently Than Shwe—is entitled to appoint military officials to 25 percent of the seats in each of the country’s two legislative assemblies, the 440-seat People’s Parliament and the 224-seat National Parliament. And if this is not enough to guarantee that other political forces march to his tune, there is another provision which permits the commander-in-chief to reinstate direct military rule at his discretion.
It was not surprising, then, to hear in Than Shwe’s speech this year a note of growing confidence that was absent from his last Armed Forces Day address, in which he reassured any who cared to listen that he was not power hungry and would, in due course, hand over power to an elected successor.
A lot has changed since then. A year ago, Than Shwe was still under intense international pressure following the brutal crackdown on peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks in late 2007. But by May, he had successfully pulled off a rigged constitutional referendum that delivered more than 90 percent approval. And while this farce was playing out in the background, the world’s attention was transfixed by a humanitarian catastrophe that also, ultimately, played directly into the hands of the generals. Unlike the killing of untold numbers of monks in 2007, the regime’s callous disregard for the suffering caused by Cyclone Nargis was easily redeemed by belated and grudging cooperation with international aid groups.
This year, there was no need to talk about transferring power. Instead, Than Shwe used his speech to issue a series of warnings. Politicians should “refrain from inciting unrest [and] avoid personal attacks and smear campaigns against other parties.” And, most importantly, candidates must not follow the example of another, unnamed opposition group that went astray because it looked to foreign countries for “guidance and inspiration [and] followed the imported ideologies and directives irrationally.”
At the moment, Than Shwe seems quite certain that he will achieve his goal of legitimizing perpetual military rule. But if his plans hit a snag, don’t be surprised if the election is suspended indefinitely. Even as he approaches his moment of triumph, he appears to be wary of raising expectations. That is why he quoted a well-known Burmese proverb—“a recently dug well cannot be expected to produce clear water immediately”—and concluded his speech with these words: “Democracy in [Burma] today is at a fledgling stage and still requires patient care and attention.”
Keeping the hopes of the Burmese people at bay while satisfying the international community’s perfunctory calls for something resembling democracy in Burma are all part of the delicate balancing act that Than Shwe has had to perform over the past two decades. Now, however, he appears to be reaching the end of his tightrope. But one small misstep—or a sudden gust of outrage from a nation that is more at the mercy of economic forces than almost any other—and he could soon find that the heights that he now commands are not as unassailable as he imagines.
March 31, 2009
Burma Tells Bangladesh Fence Will Stop Smuggling
By THE IRRAWADDY
Burma has officially informed Bangladesh that it has erected a fence on its border to stop smuggling, including drug trafficking, according to Bangladesh media.
Dhaka’s Daily Star reported on Tuesday that Burma’s ambassador in Dhaka officially informed Bangladesh that the 40-kilometer (25-mile), barbed wire fence is intended only to stop illegal smuggling on the border.
Bangladesh Foreign Affairs Minister Hasan Mahmud recently expressed concern over Burma’s deployment of troops to build the border fence.
Hasan Mahmud said Bangladesh does not plan to make an official protest, according to Reuters.
The exchange comes at a time when both Burma and Bangladesh have been in the news over the exodus of Rohingya refugees who flee the area by taking boats out to sea, in a search for jobs and a better life.
Bangladesh held a meeting with the Burmese ambassador in Dhaka last week to discuss the issue, according to Khaing Mrat Kyaw, an editor at the Dhaka-based Narinjara News. Khaing Mrat Kyaw said that the purpose of the fence is to prevent Muslims from Bangladesh entering Burma.
People living near the Burma-Bangladesh border have voiced concern that the fence will end their ability to travel freely in the area.
Bangladesh and Burma share a 320-kilometer border, partly demarcated by the Naf River, a regular route for smuggling and illegal crossing by Muslim refugees.
Tensions increased between the two usually friendly neighbors last October when Burma started exploring for oil and gas in a disputed area of the Bay of Bengal.
The Burmese authorities allowed a South Korean company to explore for nature gas in the disputed area and sent navy ships into the area.
Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, the No 2 ranking general in the Burmese junta, visited Bangladesh in early October 2008 to attempt to resolve the tension, but the talks failed.
Meanwhile, Burma deployed troops to construct the border fence. Additional troops were sent to the area and remain on alert
Burma has officially informed Bangladesh that it has erected a fence on its border to stop smuggling, including drug trafficking, according to Bangladesh media.
Dhaka’s Daily Star reported on Tuesday that Burma’s ambassador in Dhaka officially informed Bangladesh that the 40-kilometer (25-mile), barbed wire fence is intended only to stop illegal smuggling on the border.
Bangladesh Foreign Affairs Minister Hasan Mahmud recently expressed concern over Burma’s deployment of troops to build the border fence.
Hasan Mahmud said Bangladesh does not plan to make an official protest, according to Reuters.
The exchange comes at a time when both Burma and Bangladesh have been in the news over the exodus of Rohingya refugees who flee the area by taking boats out to sea, in a search for jobs and a better life.
Bangladesh held a meeting with the Burmese ambassador in Dhaka last week to discuss the issue, according to Khaing Mrat Kyaw, an editor at the Dhaka-based Narinjara News. Khaing Mrat Kyaw said that the purpose of the fence is to prevent Muslims from Bangladesh entering Burma.
People living near the Burma-Bangladesh border have voiced concern that the fence will end their ability to travel freely in the area.
Bangladesh and Burma share a 320-kilometer border, partly demarcated by the Naf River, a regular route for smuggling and illegal crossing by Muslim refugees.
Tensions increased between the two usually friendly neighbors last October when Burma started exploring for oil and gas in a disputed area of the Bay of Bengal.
The Burmese authorities allowed a South Korean company to explore for nature gas in the disputed area and sent navy ships into the area.
Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, the No 2 ranking general in the Burmese junta, visited Bangladesh in early October 2008 to attempt to resolve the tension, but the talks failed.
Meanwhile, Burma deployed troops to construct the border fence. Additional troops were sent to the area and remain on alert
Suu Kyi Climbs Higher in Time Magazine Poll
By WAI MOE
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi ranks 25th in this year’s poll by the US magazine Time listing the 100 most influential people in the world.
Suu Kyi, 63, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, received 306,684 votes, not very far behind US President Barack Obama, who got 335,732 and came in 16th in the poll. She just pipped Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, who ranked 26th with 302,874 votes.
Other influential women who came high in the poll included US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, 27th with 254,785 votes, and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who was placed 36th, with 243,496 votes.
Time said that “thanks to the anti-junta demonstrations in 2007, more people are listening to her [Suu Kyi] than ever before.”
Time reminded its readers: “The famed Burmese activist—she has spent much of the past two decades under house arrest because of her pro-democracy stance—is pushing the U.N. to take action against her country's human-rights violations.”
In 2004, Suu Kyi won Time Asia’s Asia Hero on-line poll, receiving 37,617 votes (40.4 per cent of the 93,022 votes cast.)
Suu Kyi is also a favorite among Internet bloggers and facebook members. More than
31,000 facebook users are currently Suu Kyi fans.
“Facebook is an excellent way to reach new people and let them know about Aung San Suu Kyi and the situation in Burma,” said Zoya Phan, international coordinator of Burma Campaign UK, in a statement earlier this month.
“The regime in Burma has detained Aung San Suu Kyi because they want the world to forget about her. This is another way of ensuring they don’t succeed,” Zoya Phan said.
Suu Kyi has spent more than 13 of the past 20 years under house arrest. Her party, the National League for Democracy, won 80 percent of constituencies in the election in 1990. However, the junta, which is planning to hold another election in 2010, refused to honor the 1990 result.
Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi ranks 25th in this year’s poll by the US magazine Time listing the 100 most influential people in the world.
Suu Kyi, 63, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, received 306,684 votes, not very far behind US President Barack Obama, who got 335,732 and came in 16th in the poll. She just pipped Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, who ranked 26th with 302,874 votes.
Other influential women who came high in the poll included US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, 27th with 254,785 votes, and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who was placed 36th, with 243,496 votes.
Time said that “thanks to the anti-junta demonstrations in 2007, more people are listening to her [Suu Kyi] than ever before.”
Time reminded its readers: “The famed Burmese activist—she has spent much of the past two decades under house arrest because of her pro-democracy stance—is pushing the U.N. to take action against her country's human-rights violations.”
In 2004, Suu Kyi won Time Asia’s Asia Hero on-line poll, receiving 37,617 votes (40.4 per cent of the 93,022 votes cast.)
Suu Kyi is also a favorite among Internet bloggers and facebook members. More than
31,000 facebook users are currently Suu Kyi fans.
“Facebook is an excellent way to reach new people and let them know about Aung San Suu Kyi and the situation in Burma,” said Zoya Phan, international coordinator of Burma Campaign UK, in a statement earlier this month.
“The regime in Burma has detained Aung San Suu Kyi because they want the world to forget about her. This is another way of ensuring they don’t succeed,” Zoya Phan said.
Suu Kyi has spent more than 13 of the past 20 years under house arrest. Her party, the National League for Democracy, won 80 percent of constituencies in the election in 1990. However, the junta, which is planning to hold another election in 2010, refused to honor the 1990 result.
More NLD Members Receive Lengthy Prison Sentences
By MIN LWIN
A court in Rangoon’s Thingangyun Township sentenced six members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to five years in prison on Monday and extended the sentence of another party member to 18 years, according to sources close to Insein Prison.
It was unclear what the charges were against Tin Mya, the chairman of the NLD’s Thingangyun office, and five other local party members who received five-year sentences. Observers suggested, however, that the timing of the court’s decision was intended to link the six to recent bombings in the former capital.
There were also no details available concerning the ten-year extension of Thingangyun NLD member Ye Zaw Htike’s prison sentence. He was initially sentenced to eight years last November.
Meanwhile, Burma’s military government transferred two other political detainees from Mandalay Prison to prisons in more remote parts of the country.
Than Lwin, the vice-chairman of the NLD’s Mandalay Division headquarters and an elected member of parliament, was transferred to Loikaw Prison in Karenni State on Saturday, while Win Mya Mya, a female NLD party activist, was sent to Putao Prison in Kachin State.
Than Lwin, who is suffering from a serious injury to his left eye, has been serving an eight-year prison sentence since 2007, when he attempted to file assault charges against members of the junta-backed Union Solidity Development Association.
He accused the pro-junta thugs of attacking him in June 2007 while he was returning from a pagoda in Madaya Township, Mandalay Division, where he prayed for NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest.
A court in Rangoon’s Thingangyun Township sentenced six members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to five years in prison on Monday and extended the sentence of another party member to 18 years, according to sources close to Insein Prison.
It was unclear what the charges were against Tin Mya, the chairman of the NLD’s Thingangyun office, and five other local party members who received five-year sentences. Observers suggested, however, that the timing of the court’s decision was intended to link the six to recent bombings in the former capital.
There were also no details available concerning the ten-year extension of Thingangyun NLD member Ye Zaw Htike’s prison sentence. He was initially sentenced to eight years last November.
Meanwhile, Burma’s military government transferred two other political detainees from Mandalay Prison to prisons in more remote parts of the country.
Than Lwin, the vice-chairman of the NLD’s Mandalay Division headquarters and an elected member of parliament, was transferred to Loikaw Prison in Karenni State on Saturday, while Win Mya Mya, a female NLD party activist, was sent to Putao Prison in Kachin State.
Than Lwin, who is suffering from a serious injury to his left eye, has been serving an eight-year prison sentence since 2007, when he attempted to file assault charges against members of the junta-backed Union Solidity Development Association.
He accused the pro-junta thugs of attacking him in June 2007 while he was returning from a pagoda in Madaya Township, Mandalay Division, where he prayed for NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest.
Burmese Rock Fans Arrested in Bangkok
By THE IRRAWADDY
More than 400 Burmese illegal migrants were arrested by Thai immigration authorities as they tried to attend a concert in Bangkok by the Burmese rock band Iron Cross.
Aung Myint Thein, of the Yaung Chi Oo Burmese Workers’ Association in Bangkok, said the arrests occurred on Sunday. The detained illegal immigrants would be deported to Burma, he said.
Thai immigration authorities checked not only Iron Cross fans on the way to the concert, in Bangkok’s Bahn Maw district, but also members of the band.
“They knew who we were but they took their time checking our passports,” said Iron Cross bass guitarist Khin Maung Thant.
Burmese rock star Lay Phyu and vocalists A Nge, Myo Gyi, Wine Wine, Sone Thin Par and Kyoe Kyar were on the concert program, which attracted an audience of 1,500, mostly migrant workers, who paid 400 baht (11,000 kyat) for a ticket.
More than 400 Burmese illegal migrants were arrested by Thai immigration authorities as they tried to attend a concert in Bangkok by the Burmese rock band Iron Cross.
Aung Myint Thein, of the Yaung Chi Oo Burmese Workers’ Association in Bangkok, said the arrests occurred on Sunday. The detained illegal immigrants would be deported to Burma, he said.
Thai immigration authorities checked not only Iron Cross fans on the way to the concert, in Bangkok’s Bahn Maw district, but also members of the band.
“They knew who we were but they took their time checking our passports,” said Iron Cross bass guitarist Khin Maung Thant.
Burmese rock star Lay Phyu and vocalists A Nge, Myo Gyi, Wine Wine, Sone Thin Par and Kyoe Kyar were on the concert program, which attracted an audience of 1,500, mostly migrant workers, who paid 400 baht (11,000 kyat) for a ticket.
Emergency Declared in Philippine Hostage Crisis
By JIM GOMEZ / AP WRITER
MANILA — The governor of a southern Philippine island declared a state of emergency authorizing him to order an attack on al-Qaida-linked militants after a deadline expired Tuesday for the beheading of one of their three Red Cross hostages.
Gov. Sakur Tan signed the emergency order Tuesday, empowering him to order the arrests of the Abu Sayyaf kidnappers and their civilian supporters in a hardening of the government's position after officials failed to negotiate the release of the Swiss, Italian and Filipino hostages.
Curfews and road checkpoints will be imposed in the predominantly Muslim Sulu province, which includes the main island of Jolo. The order defined the hostage-taking 10 weeks ago "as a heinous crime that deserves to be punished to the fullest extent of the law."
It was not immediately clear if an attack or a military rescue was imminent. Tanks and truckloads of marines rolled out of a Jolo camp toward Indanan town to try to surround the gunmen in a hilly jungle, Tan said without elaborating.
"We'll make sure that these bandits cannot kidnap again," Tan said.
The emergency declaration came after the militants ignored pleas to release the hostages, who have been held since Jan. 15. They have threatened to behead one of them after the government refused their demand for security forces to withdraw from 15 Jolo villages.
There was no word from Abu Sayyaf about the fate of the hostages after the kidnappers' 2 p.m. deadline to behead a hostage expired.
Abu Sayyaf gunmen said earlier Tuesday that they would execute one of the Red Cross captives unless troops withdrew from the area by the deadline, despite appeals from Pope Benedict XVI and others to free the hostages.
"The decision of the group is to behead if there will be no pullout," Abu Sayyaf commander Abu Ali told The Associated Press in a cell phone text message Tuesday from the militant jungle stronghold on Jolo island.
"There will be no extension of the deadline for the pullout and we have no plan to release any hostage if there will be no pullout," he said.
Sen. Richard Gordon, who heads the Philippine Red Cross, made a last-minute appeal to the militants to spare the hostages as the deadline passed, and he addressed the captives directly on national television.
"The whole family of the Red Cross prays for you and I'm proud of the way you've comported yourself," Gordon said in the broadcast, his voice breaking and wiping away tears as he mentioned the names of the captives. "I'm sorry I should be stronger than you because I'm not in midst of the ordeal you're in now."
Interior Secretary Ronaldo Puno said Monday that it was impossible for the government to vacate the 15 villages by 2 p.m. Tuesday as demanded by the militants a day earlier. He said there was not enough time and that a wider pullout would leave the island's civilian population exposed to militant attacks.
Puno hinted the government was ready to use force if the militants harm any of the hostages. Some 120 gunmen have held the aid workers—Filipino Mary Jean Lacaba, Swiss Andreas Notter and Italian Eugenio Vagni—in a hilly jungle in Jolo's Indanan town.
The Abu Sayyaf group has beheaded hostages in the past, including an American in 2001 as well as seven Filipinos in 2007.
The US government has placed the Abu Sayyaf, which has about 400 gunmen, on its list of terrorist organizations.
MANILA — The governor of a southern Philippine island declared a state of emergency authorizing him to order an attack on al-Qaida-linked militants after a deadline expired Tuesday for the beheading of one of their three Red Cross hostages.
Gov. Sakur Tan signed the emergency order Tuesday, empowering him to order the arrests of the Abu Sayyaf kidnappers and their civilian supporters in a hardening of the government's position after officials failed to negotiate the release of the Swiss, Italian and Filipino hostages.
Curfews and road checkpoints will be imposed in the predominantly Muslim Sulu province, which includes the main island of Jolo. The order defined the hostage-taking 10 weeks ago "as a heinous crime that deserves to be punished to the fullest extent of the law."
It was not immediately clear if an attack or a military rescue was imminent. Tanks and truckloads of marines rolled out of a Jolo camp toward Indanan town to try to surround the gunmen in a hilly jungle, Tan said without elaborating.
"We'll make sure that these bandits cannot kidnap again," Tan said.
The emergency declaration came after the militants ignored pleas to release the hostages, who have been held since Jan. 15. They have threatened to behead one of them after the government refused their demand for security forces to withdraw from 15 Jolo villages.
There was no word from Abu Sayyaf about the fate of the hostages after the kidnappers' 2 p.m. deadline to behead a hostage expired.
Abu Sayyaf gunmen said earlier Tuesday that they would execute one of the Red Cross captives unless troops withdrew from the area by the deadline, despite appeals from Pope Benedict XVI and others to free the hostages.
"The decision of the group is to behead if there will be no pullout," Abu Sayyaf commander Abu Ali told The Associated Press in a cell phone text message Tuesday from the militant jungle stronghold on Jolo island.
"There will be no extension of the deadline for the pullout and we have no plan to release any hostage if there will be no pullout," he said.
Sen. Richard Gordon, who heads the Philippine Red Cross, made a last-minute appeal to the militants to spare the hostages as the deadline passed, and he addressed the captives directly on national television.
"The whole family of the Red Cross prays for you and I'm proud of the way you've comported yourself," Gordon said in the broadcast, his voice breaking and wiping away tears as he mentioned the names of the captives. "I'm sorry I should be stronger than you because I'm not in midst of the ordeal you're in now."
Interior Secretary Ronaldo Puno said Monday that it was impossible for the government to vacate the 15 villages by 2 p.m. Tuesday as demanded by the militants a day earlier. He said there was not enough time and that a wider pullout would leave the island's civilian population exposed to militant attacks.
Puno hinted the government was ready to use force if the militants harm any of the hostages. Some 120 gunmen have held the aid workers—Filipino Mary Jean Lacaba, Swiss Andreas Notter and Italian Eugenio Vagni—in a hilly jungle in Jolo's Indanan town.
The Abu Sayyaf group has beheaded hostages in the past, including an American in 2001 as well as seven Filipinos in 2007.
The US government has placed the Abu Sayyaf, which has about 400 gunmen, on its list of terrorist organizations.
Protesters Force Thai Cabinet to Cancel Meeting
By AMBIKA AHUJA / AP WRITER
BANGKOK — Thailand's Cabinet canceled its weekly meeting Tuesday, easing fears of a confrontation with thousands of protesters who have ringed the seat of government demanding the prime minister resign.
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has avoided his office at the Government House for six consecutive days in the largest protests since his administration arrived in December.
The demonstrators, allied with deposed leader Thaksin Shinawatra, say Abhisit's government came to power through illegal means and should step down. Abhisit has rejected their calls.
"The situation is not conducive to holding a meeting today," said Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thuaksuban after meeting with senior security officials. "We do not want violence. We do not want a confrontation."
On the streets outside Government House, protesters danced to folk music blaring from loudspeakers. Protest leaders took turns on stage to make fiery political speeches.
"It is clear that we have managed to paralyze this illegitimate government," protest leader Nattawut Sai-kua told the crowd. "If they can't even hold a meeting, how can they lead the country? It's time to return the power to the people!"
Demonstrators set up barbed wire and tire barricades on the streets outside Government House, in an apparent attempt to prevent the Cabinet from entering the compound.
The protests, which began Thursday, are the latest episode in Thailand's long-running political turmoil. Last year, street rallies were dominated by Thaksin's political opponents, who besieged Government House for three months and shuttered Bangkok's two main airports for a week. They were committed to driving Thaksin's allies from power and ceased their demonstrations only after two prime ministers were removed by the courts.
The pro-Thaksin movement appeared to gain momentum outside the capital on Monday, with several hundred people rallying in at least 10 provinces in the north and northeast of Thailand, which remain the former prime minister's strongholds. They were seemingly responding to Thaksin's weekend call for nationwide protests. Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup, is in exile, but has been addressing the Bangkok protests via video link.
Abhisit said last week he would enter Government House on Monday. But he later said he would not be going to his office before traveling to London later Tuesday for the G-20 summit. He is representing Southeast Asian countries.
The latest demonstrations are led by an eclectic mix of Thaksin loyalists, rural farmers and laborers.
They have vowed to use the same people-power method as their rivals to oust Abhisit, who was named prime minister by Parliament after the two Thaksin-allied governments were removed by court decisions. The protesters contend the courts were biased.
They have insisted they would not break into government offices as their rivals had done.
Thaksin fled into exile last year before a court convicted him in absentia of violating a conflict of interest law. The tycoon-turned-politician remains popular with the poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies.
BANGKOK — Thailand's Cabinet canceled its weekly meeting Tuesday, easing fears of a confrontation with thousands of protesters who have ringed the seat of government demanding the prime minister resign.
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has avoided his office at the Government House for six consecutive days in the largest protests since his administration arrived in December.
The demonstrators, allied with deposed leader Thaksin Shinawatra, say Abhisit's government came to power through illegal means and should step down. Abhisit has rejected their calls.
"The situation is not conducive to holding a meeting today," said Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thuaksuban after meeting with senior security officials. "We do not want violence. We do not want a confrontation."
On the streets outside Government House, protesters danced to folk music blaring from loudspeakers. Protest leaders took turns on stage to make fiery political speeches.
"It is clear that we have managed to paralyze this illegitimate government," protest leader Nattawut Sai-kua told the crowd. "If they can't even hold a meeting, how can they lead the country? It's time to return the power to the people!"
Demonstrators set up barbed wire and tire barricades on the streets outside Government House, in an apparent attempt to prevent the Cabinet from entering the compound.
The protests, which began Thursday, are the latest episode in Thailand's long-running political turmoil. Last year, street rallies were dominated by Thaksin's political opponents, who besieged Government House for three months and shuttered Bangkok's two main airports for a week. They were committed to driving Thaksin's allies from power and ceased their demonstrations only after two prime ministers were removed by the courts.
The pro-Thaksin movement appeared to gain momentum outside the capital on Monday, with several hundred people rallying in at least 10 provinces in the north and northeast of Thailand, which remain the former prime minister's strongholds. They were seemingly responding to Thaksin's weekend call for nationwide protests. Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup, is in exile, but has been addressing the Bangkok protests via video link.
Abhisit said last week he would enter Government House on Monday. But he later said he would not be going to his office before traveling to London later Tuesday for the G-20 summit. He is representing Southeast Asian countries.
The latest demonstrations are led by an eclectic mix of Thaksin loyalists, rural farmers and laborers.
They have vowed to use the same people-power method as their rivals to oust Abhisit, who was named prime minister by Parliament after the two Thaksin-allied governments were removed by court decisions. The protesters contend the courts were biased.
They have insisted they would not break into government offices as their rivals had done.
Thaksin fled into exile last year before a court convicted him in absentia of violating a conflict of interest law. The tycoon-turned-politician remains popular with the poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies.
Khmer Rouge Prison Chief Says 'Heartfelt Sorrow'
By GRANT PECK / AP WRITER
PHNOM PENH — The man who ran the Khmer Rouge's most notorious prison accepted responsibility Tuesday for torturing and executing thousands of inmates and expressed "heartfelt sorrow" for his crimes.
Kaing Guek Eav, better known as Duch, told the UN-backed genocide tribunal that he wanted to apologize for the acts of the Khmer Rouge, whose genocidal rule of Cambodia from 1975-1979 left an estimated 1.7 million people dead.
"I recognize that I am responsible for the crimes committed," Duch told the tribunal, standing in the dock as he read from a prepared statement. "I would like to express my regretfulness and heartfelt sorrow."
Duch, now 66, commanded the group's main S-21 prison, also known as Tuol Sleng, where as many as 16,000 men women and children are believed to have been brutalized before being sent to their deaths. He is charged with committing crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as torture and homicide, and could face a maximum penalty of life in prison. Cambodia has no death penalty.
He told the court he took responsibility "for crimes committed at S-21, especially torture and execution of people there."
While Duch's statements amount to a confession of guilt, defendants at the tribunal do not enter pleas. The tribunal says its primary goal is to determine the facts of what happened three decades ago during Khmer Rouge rule.
Co-prosecutor Chea Leang vowed to get justice for the 1.7 million victims of the country's radical communist regime.
"For 30 years, one-and-a-half million victims of the Khmer Rouge have been demanding justice for their suffering. For 30 years, the survivors of Democratic Kampuchea have been waiting for accountability. For 30 years, a generation of Cambodians have been struggling to get answers for their fate," Chea Leang said, using the regime's name for Cambodia.
"Justice will be done," she said. "History demands it."
The long-awaited trial against Duch began Monday with a full reading of the 45-page indictment. Executioners threw victims to their deaths, bludgeoned them and then slit their bellies, or had medics draw so much blood that their lives drained away, according to the indictment.
The tribunal is seeking to establish responsibility for the deaths of an estimated 1.7 million from starvation, medical neglect, slave-like conditions and execution under the Khmer Rouge, whose top leader, Pol Pot, died in 1998.
Duch's job was to extract confessions of counterrevolutionary activity, but "every prisoner who arrived at S-21 was destined for execution," the indictment said. Prisoners were beaten, electrocuted, smothered with plastic bags or had water poured into their noses. Children were taken from their parents and dropped from the third floor of a prison building.
Chea Leang recalled the regime's infamous maxim regarding its enemies: "To keep you is no gain, to destroy you is no loss."
The prosecutor displayed historic photographs and video records from the Khmer Rouge years, which began with executions of loyalists of the previous regime and the brutal forced evacuation to the countryside of the capital's 2 million residents.
Duch has been in detention since he was discovered in 1999 by British journalist Nic Dunlop in the Cambodian countryside, where he had been living under an assumed name.
Dunlop, who attended Tuesday's hearing, said it was "surreal" to see Duch in a courtroom as victims of the Khmer Rouge watched, but it was difficult to gauge local interest in the trial.
"Whether it resonates beyond these walls is the big question, and if it doesn't, we might as well be on another planet," he said
Most of Cambodia's 14 million people were born after the 1979 fall of the Khmer Rouge, and many struggle daily to make a living in the poverty-stricken country.
Motorcycle taxi driver Vong Song, 52, said that he hears people talking about the tribunal, but he's too busy working to pay for his three children's education to worry about it.
"Let the court and the government do it. For me, the important thing is earning money to support my family. That's what I think," he said.
PHNOM PENH — The man who ran the Khmer Rouge's most notorious prison accepted responsibility Tuesday for torturing and executing thousands of inmates and expressed "heartfelt sorrow" for his crimes.
Kaing Guek Eav, better known as Duch, told the UN-backed genocide tribunal that he wanted to apologize for the acts of the Khmer Rouge, whose genocidal rule of Cambodia from 1975-1979 left an estimated 1.7 million people dead.
"I recognize that I am responsible for the crimes committed," Duch told the tribunal, standing in the dock as he read from a prepared statement. "I would like to express my regretfulness and heartfelt sorrow."
Duch, now 66, commanded the group's main S-21 prison, also known as Tuol Sleng, where as many as 16,000 men women and children are believed to have been brutalized before being sent to their deaths. He is charged with committing crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as torture and homicide, and could face a maximum penalty of life in prison. Cambodia has no death penalty.
He told the court he took responsibility "for crimes committed at S-21, especially torture and execution of people there."
While Duch's statements amount to a confession of guilt, defendants at the tribunal do not enter pleas. The tribunal says its primary goal is to determine the facts of what happened three decades ago during Khmer Rouge rule.
Co-prosecutor Chea Leang vowed to get justice for the 1.7 million victims of the country's radical communist regime.
"For 30 years, one-and-a-half million victims of the Khmer Rouge have been demanding justice for their suffering. For 30 years, the survivors of Democratic Kampuchea have been waiting for accountability. For 30 years, a generation of Cambodians have been struggling to get answers for their fate," Chea Leang said, using the regime's name for Cambodia.
"Justice will be done," she said. "History demands it."
The long-awaited trial against Duch began Monday with a full reading of the 45-page indictment. Executioners threw victims to their deaths, bludgeoned them and then slit their bellies, or had medics draw so much blood that their lives drained away, according to the indictment.
The tribunal is seeking to establish responsibility for the deaths of an estimated 1.7 million from starvation, medical neglect, slave-like conditions and execution under the Khmer Rouge, whose top leader, Pol Pot, died in 1998.
Duch's job was to extract confessions of counterrevolutionary activity, but "every prisoner who arrived at S-21 was destined for execution," the indictment said. Prisoners were beaten, electrocuted, smothered with plastic bags or had water poured into their noses. Children were taken from their parents and dropped from the third floor of a prison building.
Chea Leang recalled the regime's infamous maxim regarding its enemies: "To keep you is no gain, to destroy you is no loss."
The prosecutor displayed historic photographs and video records from the Khmer Rouge years, which began with executions of loyalists of the previous regime and the brutal forced evacuation to the countryside of the capital's 2 million residents.
Duch has been in detention since he was discovered in 1999 by British journalist Nic Dunlop in the Cambodian countryside, where he had been living under an assumed name.
Dunlop, who attended Tuesday's hearing, said it was "surreal" to see Duch in a courtroom as victims of the Khmer Rouge watched, but it was difficult to gauge local interest in the trial.
"Whether it resonates beyond these walls is the big question, and if it doesn't, we might as well be on another planet," he said
Most of Cambodia's 14 million people were born after the 1979 fall of the Khmer Rouge, and many struggle daily to make a living in the poverty-stricken country.
Motorcycle taxi driver Vong Song, 52, said that he hears people talking about the tribunal, but he's too busy working to pay for his three children's education to worry about it.
"Let the court and the government do it. For me, the important thing is earning money to support my family. That's what I think," he said.
March 30, 2009
Skeptics Question Burma’s Internet Slowdown
By WAI MOE
Burma has one of slowest internet connections in the world for ordinary citizens but since March 21, Internet access has become even slower, seriously affecting businesses and the communications industry.
Myanmar Teleport, which manages the Internet, announced that Internet speed would slow on March 21-25 due to maintenance on a fiber optic cable. Then, Myanmar Teleport extended the slower service to April 1.
“Its impact is big inside Burma, especially on weekly journals, export-import companies and travel tour agencies,” said a Rangoon-based journalist who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Weekly journals include the popular sports weeklies, which depend on the Internet for international coverage of events.
A bookstore owner said, “Journals which cover football are the worst. They can do nothing if the Internet is too slow.”
Some Internet observers were skeptical about the government’s claim of Internet maintenance, and said it could have something to do with government monitoring of Internet use.
“They [authorities] said they are working on a fiber optic cable, but that’s not possible because some sites can now be used and some can’t,” said a young Internet user in the city. “Now we can't use some proxy sites such as Gmail. They may be trying to prohibit the sites they don't like and scanning suspect e-mail.”
Internet speed in Burma is normally slow compared to neighboring countries, and Internet use is not widespread.
According to the CIA World Fact Book, there were 70,000 Burmese Internet users in 2007 and 108 internet hosts in 2008 while Thailand had 1.1 million Internet hosts in 2008 and 13.4 million Internet users in 2007.
The Burmese junta’s Internet firewall attempts to ban all exiled Burmese media, selected international media, all blogs, some scholarship Web sites and all proxy servers, say Internet users.
Notices are posted in Internet shops in Burma warning customers that accessing banned Web sites is against the law.
Since September 2007, the junta has viewed Internet users as a threat to military control of information, especially to the international community which learned of the junta’s brutal crackdown on demonstrators through reports from private citizens over the Internet.
Following the crackdown, parts of the Burmese Internet were shut down for two weeks.
“The regime ordered access providers to limit exchanges between the Burmese people and the rest of the world,” said the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF). “The junta aimed to prevent the spread of video on sharing sites such as YouTube, Dailymotion and Flicker.”
Last year, the government sentenced two popular Burmese bloggers to long prison terms under an electronic communications act which bars certain types of communication that “threaten state security.”
Nay Phone Latt, a blogger, received a 20-year prison sentence in late 2008, and the well-known comedian and blogger Zaganar received a 59-year sentence.
Burma’s closest ally, China, has been criticized by media watchdog groups for its role in providing technologies to control the Internet in Burma.
“Burma, long home to one of Asia’s most repressive media environments, has also taken Internet censorship cues from China, its staunchest international ally,” said the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), saying Burmese security police received Internet censorship and surveillance training from Chinese experts.
The CPJ said the training includes monitoring online journalists and bloggers as well as launching cyber-attacks on exiled Web-site publications and groups.
The Information Warfare Monitor, a Canadian research group, claimed the weekend that an electronic Internet spy network, with servers based in China, had illegally accessed 1,295 computers in 103 countries, including foreign ministries and embassies as well as computers working on behalf of Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
Burma has one of slowest internet connections in the world for ordinary citizens but since March 21, Internet access has become even slower, seriously affecting businesses and the communications industry.
Myanmar Teleport, which manages the Internet, announced that Internet speed would slow on March 21-25 due to maintenance on a fiber optic cable. Then, Myanmar Teleport extended the slower service to April 1.
“Its impact is big inside Burma, especially on weekly journals, export-import companies and travel tour agencies,” said a Rangoon-based journalist who spoke on condition of anonymity.
Weekly journals include the popular sports weeklies, which depend on the Internet for international coverage of events.
A bookstore owner said, “Journals which cover football are the worst. They can do nothing if the Internet is too slow.”
Some Internet observers were skeptical about the government’s claim of Internet maintenance, and said it could have something to do with government monitoring of Internet use.
“They [authorities] said they are working on a fiber optic cable, but that’s not possible because some sites can now be used and some can’t,” said a young Internet user in the city. “Now we can't use some proxy sites such as Gmail. They may be trying to prohibit the sites they don't like and scanning suspect e-mail.”
Internet speed in Burma is normally slow compared to neighboring countries, and Internet use is not widespread.
According to the CIA World Fact Book, there were 70,000 Burmese Internet users in 2007 and 108 internet hosts in 2008 while Thailand had 1.1 million Internet hosts in 2008 and 13.4 million Internet users in 2007.
The Burmese junta’s Internet firewall attempts to ban all exiled Burmese media, selected international media, all blogs, some scholarship Web sites and all proxy servers, say Internet users.
Notices are posted in Internet shops in Burma warning customers that accessing banned Web sites is against the law.
Since September 2007, the junta has viewed Internet users as a threat to military control of information, especially to the international community which learned of the junta’s brutal crackdown on demonstrators through reports from private citizens over the Internet.
Following the crackdown, parts of the Burmese Internet were shut down for two weeks.
“The regime ordered access providers to limit exchanges between the Burmese people and the rest of the world,” said the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF). “The junta aimed to prevent the spread of video on sharing sites such as YouTube, Dailymotion and Flicker.”
Last year, the government sentenced two popular Burmese bloggers to long prison terms under an electronic communications act which bars certain types of communication that “threaten state security.”
Nay Phone Latt, a blogger, received a 20-year prison sentence in late 2008, and the well-known comedian and blogger Zaganar received a 59-year sentence.
Burma’s closest ally, China, has been criticized by media watchdog groups for its role in providing technologies to control the Internet in Burma.
“Burma, long home to one of Asia’s most repressive media environments, has also taken Internet censorship cues from China, its staunchest international ally,” said the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), saying Burmese security police received Internet censorship and surveillance training from Chinese experts.
The CPJ said the training includes monitoring online journalists and bloggers as well as launching cyber-attacks on exiled Web-site publications and groups.
The Information Warfare Monitor, a Canadian research group, claimed the weekend that an electronic Internet spy network, with servers based in China, had illegally accessed 1,295 computers in 103 countries, including foreign ministries and embassies as well as computers working on behalf of Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
General’s Promotion Signals Power Struggles at the Top
By MIN LWIN
Burma’s top-ranking generals know that they must hang together or risk hanging separately. But that doesn’t mean that there are no real rivalries among the men who rule the country with an iron fist.
When Snr-Gen Than Shwe promoted Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo to the rank of four-star general last Wednesday, two days before Armed Forces Day, he was not just rewarding a junior colleague for his loyal service: he was undercutting potential rivals for power.
Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is now one of only three four-star generals in the country, is reportedly close to the regime’s second-most powerful figure, Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. By promoting him, however, Than Shwe has ensured that Tin Aung Myint Oo’s first loyalty will now be to the senior general.
“This is a power struggle between Than Shwe and Maung Aye,” said an observer in Rangoon.
Tin Aung Myint Oo’s promotion comes as no surprise. He was often seen accompanying Maung Aye and powerful commanders, including the air defense department and intelligence chiefs, on trips around the country.
Burmese military observers suggest that Tin Aung Myint Oo’s promotion marks the rise of a third powerful faction to rival those led by Gen Thura Shwe Mann, the coordinator of Special Operations, Army, Navy and Air Force, and Lt-General Myint Swe, chief of the Bureau of Special Operation No 5.
All three groups now vie for Than Shwe’s favor, even as they seek to keep each other from rising any higher within the inner circle.
Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is in his early 60s, is the fifth-ranking general in the military hierarchy. More importantly, he holds the title of Secretary 1 of the ruling military council and has long been groomed for a prominent position in the junta.
In 1995, he was appointed head of the No 1 Military Operation Command, based in Kyaukme Township in northern Shan State, as a brigadier-general. He became commander of the Northeast Military Region in Lashio in 1997. Ten years later, when Gen Thein Sein became prime minister, Tin Aung Myint Oo took over as Secretary 1.
Burmese observers say that Tin Aung Myint Oo is a hardliner who is skeptical of offers of foreign humanitarian assistance and UN involvement in the Cyclone Nargis relief effort. He recently visited the cyclone-hit Irrawaddy delta and has been named deputy head of the National Disaster Preparedness Central Committee.
According to these observers, Than Shwe watches Shwe Mann, Tin Aung Myint Oo and Myint Swe closely to decide who will become the next Burmese military chief.
Sources inside Burma have noted that all three are close to Than Shwe’s family and loyal to the top commander, making it unlikely that any one of them would stage coup against him.
But Than Shwe doesn’t just prize loyalty towards himself: he also likes to cultivate mutual mistrust among his protégés.
At the moment, the most noteworthy rivalry is that between Tin Aung Myint Oo and Shwe Mann, another Than Shwe favorite who is said to be close to several businessmen and scholars involved in getting humanitarian assistance to the cyclone-affected areas of the delta.
Nyo Ohn Myint, head of the foreign affairs office of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area), said that Tin Aung Myint Oo’s promotion was a classic Than Shwe maneuver.
“He wants to make competition between Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint Oo,” said Nyo Ohn Myint. “Than Shwe doesn’t want to rely on just one person, Shwe Mann.”
Burma’s top-ranking generals know that they must hang together or risk hanging separately. But that doesn’t mean that there are no real rivalries among the men who rule the country with an iron fist.
When Snr-Gen Than Shwe promoted Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo to the rank of four-star general last Wednesday, two days before Armed Forces Day, he was not just rewarding a junior colleague for his loyal service: he was undercutting potential rivals for power.
Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is now one of only three four-star generals in the country, is reportedly close to the regime’s second-most powerful figure, Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. By promoting him, however, Than Shwe has ensured that Tin Aung Myint Oo’s first loyalty will now be to the senior general.
“This is a power struggle between Than Shwe and Maung Aye,” said an observer in Rangoon.
Tin Aung Myint Oo’s promotion comes as no surprise. He was often seen accompanying Maung Aye and powerful commanders, including the air defense department and intelligence chiefs, on trips around the country.
Burmese military observers suggest that Tin Aung Myint Oo’s promotion marks the rise of a third powerful faction to rival those led by Gen Thura Shwe Mann, the coordinator of Special Operations, Army, Navy and Air Force, and Lt-General Myint Swe, chief of the Bureau of Special Operation No 5.
All three groups now vie for Than Shwe’s favor, even as they seek to keep each other from rising any higher within the inner circle.
Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is in his early 60s, is the fifth-ranking general in the military hierarchy. More importantly, he holds the title of Secretary 1 of the ruling military council and has long been groomed for a prominent position in the junta.
In 1995, he was appointed head of the No 1 Military Operation Command, based in Kyaukme Township in northern Shan State, as a brigadier-general. He became commander of the Northeast Military Region in Lashio in 1997. Ten years later, when Gen Thein Sein became prime minister, Tin Aung Myint Oo took over as Secretary 1.
Burmese observers say that Tin Aung Myint Oo is a hardliner who is skeptical of offers of foreign humanitarian assistance and UN involvement in the Cyclone Nargis relief effort. He recently visited the cyclone-hit Irrawaddy delta and has been named deputy head of the National Disaster Preparedness Central Committee.
According to these observers, Than Shwe watches Shwe Mann, Tin Aung Myint Oo and Myint Swe closely to decide who will become the next Burmese military chief.
Sources inside Burma have noted that all three are close to Than Shwe’s family and loyal to the top commander, making it unlikely that any one of them would stage coup against him.
But Than Shwe doesn’t just prize loyalty towards himself: he also likes to cultivate mutual mistrust among his protégés.
At the moment, the most noteworthy rivalry is that between Tin Aung Myint Oo and Shwe Mann, another Than Shwe favorite who is said to be close to several businessmen and scholars involved in getting humanitarian assistance to the cyclone-affected areas of the delta.
Nyo Ohn Myint, head of the foreign affairs office of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area), said that Tin Aung Myint Oo’s promotion was a classic Than Shwe maneuver.
“He wants to make competition between Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint Oo,” said Nyo Ohn Myint. “Than Shwe doesn’t want to rely on just one person, Shwe Mann.”
Weekly Business Roundup (March 30, 2009)
By WILLIAM BOOT
India’s Tata Group Looks at Truck Factory in Burma
India’s industrial giant Tata is interested in developing a truck manufacturing factory in Burma.
Executives from the vehicle manufacturer have met Burmese military government officials to put forward factory proposals, reports India’s Business Standard newspaper.
Tata Motors, part of the Tata Group, already has a pickup assembly plant in Thailand, and it’s understood it wants to move more production outside India after abandoning a US $290 million new vehicle plant in West Bengal because of protests against it from local farmers and politicians.
Tata made headlines last week by beginning production of the world’s cheapest mass-produced car, the US $2,000 Nano, but Business Standard said the aim in Burma is for heavy trucks and components manufacture.
The paper said a deal would be backed by a US $20 million line of credit from the Indian government, although Tata is privately owned.
Conflicting Reports on Burma’s Gems Industry
Despite reports that Burma’s gem mining industry has been badly undermined by U.S. sanctions and the global financial crisis, the country’s military government reports it has earned US $191 million from its latest gem auction in Rangoon.
Jade was the main sale at the auction, which ran for two weeks in mid-March. More than 3,000 lots of jade were sold mostly to buyers from China, reported The Associated Press quoting Burmese sources.
The reported auction success comes as the military government in March also claimed that China pumped US $850 million into gemstone mining operations in 2008 in Burma.
The official Chinese news agency, Xinhua, said Chinese businesses contributed virtually all of last year’s foreign money invested in the industry, quoting Burma’s Central Statistical Organization.
Meanwhile, a BBC report said thousands of Burmese mine workers have lost their jobs in the ruby and jade production industries in the Mogok region in recent months.
However, a source in Bangkok’s gems processing industry told The Irrawaddy this week that precious stones such as rubies are being smuggled from Burma into Thailand where their source of origin is camouflaged before onward sales.
The source spoke on condition of anonymity.
Indian State Firm Rethinks Costly Burma Hydrodams
India’s state-owned National Hydroelectric Power Corporation is having second thoughts about an invitation from Burma’s military government to build two hydro dam power plants.
The NHPC is quoted by Indian media saying the remote location of the proposed two hydro plants on the Chindwin River, in far northwest Sagaing Division, would raise the development costs and the end-user electricity price.
The two projects, with a total 1,840 megawatts generating capacity, would likely cost about US $4.9 billion, The Hindustan Times quoted NHPC chairman SK Garg as saying.
Most of the electricity would be transmitted into energy-short northeast India, but further surveys were needed before a final go ahead decision could be made, Garg said.
At least 30,000 people would be forced to move for the construction of the dams, says the human rights NGO Burma Rivers Network.
Burma is equally short of electricity, especially in the area where the military regime is encouraging the NHPC to work.
The regime would receive revenue from India for “selling” it the electricity.
A similar deal has been struck with China Power Investment Corporation for hydroelectric projects in northern Kachin state.
The Chinese and junta-friendly Asia World Company Ltd will build seven dams on the Mali Hka and Nmai Hka Rivers, with the electricity generated from the dams sent via China’s Yunnan power network to feed the western region and eastern coastal areas of China.
Those dams will also displace thousands of people, while the electricity revenue to the Burmese junta from China could be about US $500 million per year.
Regional Garment Industry Slump in Serious Slump
The global recession has left hundreds of thousands of garment factory workers without jobs or on shorter work weeks in several Asean countries, reports say.
One of the worst hit countries is Cambodia, where 70,000 workers have lost their jobs since last October, according to the union Chea Mony.
A factory owners’ association in Burma says a slump in east European and Middle East market demand has forced a cutback in production since December, although it’s not clear exactly how many workers are affected.
The Myanmar Garment Manufacturers’ Association told The Myanmar Times most factories have reduced output and hours of operation and ended the use of their own diesel generators to provide extra electricity because of costs, thus relying on erratic state power supply.
The Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia said exports to the United States alone dropped 40 percent in January. The U.S. is 70 percent of the total Cambodian clothes export market.
In Malaysia, the government has canceled thousands of migrant worker visas because of a domestic jobs crisis in many factories.
India’s Tata Group Looks at Truck Factory in Burma
India’s industrial giant Tata is interested in developing a truck manufacturing factory in Burma.
Executives from the vehicle manufacturer have met Burmese military government officials to put forward factory proposals, reports India’s Business Standard newspaper.
Tata Motors, part of the Tata Group, already has a pickup assembly plant in Thailand, and it’s understood it wants to move more production outside India after abandoning a US $290 million new vehicle plant in West Bengal because of protests against it from local farmers and politicians.
Tata made headlines last week by beginning production of the world’s cheapest mass-produced car, the US $2,000 Nano, but Business Standard said the aim in Burma is for heavy trucks and components manufacture.
The paper said a deal would be backed by a US $20 million line of credit from the Indian government, although Tata is privately owned.
Conflicting Reports on Burma’s Gems Industry
Despite reports that Burma’s gem mining industry has been badly undermined by U.S. sanctions and the global financial crisis, the country’s military government reports it has earned US $191 million from its latest gem auction in Rangoon.
Jade was the main sale at the auction, which ran for two weeks in mid-March. More than 3,000 lots of jade were sold mostly to buyers from China, reported The Associated Press quoting Burmese sources.
The reported auction success comes as the military government in March also claimed that China pumped US $850 million into gemstone mining operations in 2008 in Burma.
The official Chinese news agency, Xinhua, said Chinese businesses contributed virtually all of last year’s foreign money invested in the industry, quoting Burma’s Central Statistical Organization.
Meanwhile, a BBC report said thousands of Burmese mine workers have lost their jobs in the ruby and jade production industries in the Mogok region in recent months.
However, a source in Bangkok’s gems processing industry told The Irrawaddy this week that precious stones such as rubies are being smuggled from Burma into Thailand where their source of origin is camouflaged before onward sales.
The source spoke on condition of anonymity.
Indian State Firm Rethinks Costly Burma Hydrodams
India’s state-owned National Hydroelectric Power Corporation is having second thoughts about an invitation from Burma’s military government to build two hydro dam power plants.
The NHPC is quoted by Indian media saying the remote location of the proposed two hydro plants on the Chindwin River, in far northwest Sagaing Division, would raise the development costs and the end-user electricity price.
The two projects, with a total 1,840 megawatts generating capacity, would likely cost about US $4.9 billion, The Hindustan Times quoted NHPC chairman SK Garg as saying.
Most of the electricity would be transmitted into energy-short northeast India, but further surveys were needed before a final go ahead decision could be made, Garg said.
At least 30,000 people would be forced to move for the construction of the dams, says the human rights NGO Burma Rivers Network.
Burma is equally short of electricity, especially in the area where the military regime is encouraging the NHPC to work.
The regime would receive revenue from India for “selling” it the electricity.
A similar deal has been struck with China Power Investment Corporation for hydroelectric projects in northern Kachin state.
The Chinese and junta-friendly Asia World Company Ltd will build seven dams on the Mali Hka and Nmai Hka Rivers, with the electricity generated from the dams sent via China’s Yunnan power network to feed the western region and eastern coastal areas of China.
Those dams will also displace thousands of people, while the electricity revenue to the Burmese junta from China could be about US $500 million per year.
Regional Garment Industry Slump in Serious Slump
The global recession has left hundreds of thousands of garment factory workers without jobs or on shorter work weeks in several Asean countries, reports say.
One of the worst hit countries is Cambodia, where 70,000 workers have lost their jobs since last October, according to the union Chea Mony.
A factory owners’ association in Burma says a slump in east European and Middle East market demand has forced a cutback in production since December, although it’s not clear exactly how many workers are affected.
The Myanmar Garment Manufacturers’ Association told The Myanmar Times most factories have reduced output and hours of operation and ended the use of their own diesel generators to provide extra electricity because of costs, thus relying on erratic state power supply.
The Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia said exports to the United States alone dropped 40 percent in January. The U.S. is 70 percent of the total Cambodian clothes export market.
In Malaysia, the government has canceled thousands of migrant worker visas because of a domestic jobs crisis in many factories.
The Consequences of Elitism
By ARTHUR SIM
In the mid-1990s, Burma began to see the emergence of a new class of foreign-educated civilian elites at home and abroad. Many Burmese youths on the border had decided to settle in a third country and Western embassies in Rangoon started to sponsor study trips and professional training for notable local personalities in media and social work who would later be known under the banner of “civil society.”
By the early 2000s, the ruling junta had learned how to cleverly manipulate different stakeholders for its own strategic interests by allowing them well-calculated and limited political space instead of merely using crude methods of oppression.
After Depayin, a few leading Western-trained Burmese activists came to reckon that there was no prospect of ending the deadlock in the traditional paradigm of the conflict between the junta on one side and the mainstream opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi on the other.
Renouncing sanctions and advocating Track Two diplomacy, they came to highlight the role of moderates in national reconciliation. This, in effect, seemed to be the beginning of a movement which would be joined a few years later by like-minded intellectuals, veteran bureaucrats, media people, NGO careerists, ethnic peacemakers and business people in and outside Burma.
Regular scholarly seminars and increased networking among the best-trained Burmese have finally given the movement an air of elitism. Ideological underpinnings can influence elite behaviour and ambitions. Is this movement just an elitist maneuver of masterminding strategic assumptions in closed-door meetings? How much are these new elites prepared for different scenarios of political and social change in Burma?
The movement obviously is not monolithic. Media organizations have attempted to pin down some of its voices as Third Force or Third Group. Policy circles want to promote it as “emergent civil society” or “alternative elites” that differ from military and opposition elites.
The third force can be understood in two different ways. The first one is to see it as a movement that is agnostic about the traditional power struggle between the military regime and pro-democracy oppositions. The second is to understand it as a force which would pursue its interests by collaborating (or cooperating) with status quo powers in a “given” political process. Two other forces are hardliners refusing to work with the regime and hardcore activists aiming to participate in the process as a battleground for further confrontations.
The third force therefore shows more political ambition in the second interpretation. Empirically, the process means the Road Map and 2010 elections. Several third forcers accordingly view the 2008 constitution as a “transitional document,” and the future legislature as a substantial political platform.Their optimism has been reinforced by certain theories of “pacted transition” that focus on agency in the context of elite bargaining. They apparently take structural conditions only lightly and argue that 2010 will be a “structural shift.”
This second definition of the third force not only presents analytical problems, but also makes it unattractive. For one reason, the idea can accommodate a myriad of agents ranging from pro-Road Map clans, disgruntled former opposition members, veteran and seasoned politicians to ambitious kingmakers and power brokers of all stripes who would receive relative gains in the new system. This conceptual ground will be untenable if one group wants to exclude the others on value judgement.
For another, political leanings and independence of these groups vary greatly, raising the question of the definition of “moderates.” In a democratic transition, moderates will not be marked with “moderate” sign on their foreheads. Were the handful of former National League for Democracy MP-elects who decided to remain at the National Convention moderates? Will an outspoken, democratic representative highly critical of the regime’s dishonourable policies be considered too confrontational and branded as a hardliner? Will institutional contexts allow such a citizen to make it to Burma’s legislature and survive?
The regional political atmosphere indicates that Burma is moving in the direction of an “authoritarian transition”, but without enlightened leadership and respect of liberal values. Against this backdrop, domestic civilian elites will have a role to play. However, the reality on the ground may not be as simple as a few select strands of strategic thoughts, speculations, and wishful thinking that some of them have chosen to believe.
One of the striking features of the third force intellectualism is its optimism about Burma’s new constitution. Many third forcers choose to overlook the fact that the 2008 constitution was never meant to be a “transitional document” by the ruling military. Burma’s constitutional conundrum actually runs deeper than conceding 25 percent of legislative seats to the armed forces. The amendment procedure is purposely made rigid and difficult. Even if an amendment in favor of further democratization is procedurally successful, the commander-in-chief can stage a coup d’état under the pretext of preserving the constitution.
In terms of rights and freedom, the constitution adopts a parsimonious approach. Even the most fundamental rights are at the mercy of the whim of the regime which it vaguely refers to as “laws”. In post-colonial, developing countries, the most disturbing problem is the system of “rule by law” in the guise of “rule of law.” In such a system, governments may use any law, colonial or post-independence, arbitrarily to suppress political dissent. Mainly identifying democracy with elections and constitutions, some third-force strategists make irrelevant comparisons between consolidated democracies and illiberal regimes, magnifying checks and balances, real and imagined, in the latter.
Commonsensical reading of the country’s history implies that structural conditions and the essence of the Union Parliament after 2010 will be similar to those in the National Convention or in the Burmese Socialist Programme Party-era People’s Assembly. The most likely scenario will be representatives or delegates reading out the scripts that have been prepared in advance and authorized by centralized committees. The constitution requires a minimum of only one session of the Union legislature per year. With military representatives who also are public servants, one session might not be able to run for more than a few months. In fact, the constitution does not even need legislators to make laws. Union level organizations can also initiate a bill.
Thus, in the years that follow 2010, Burma’s alternative elites will be judged not by how much fascinating ideas about elite agreement they possess, but by how much they can achieve inside rigid and illiberal institutions. It is the essence which really matters. The ideas that disproportionately pay attention only to the form will be no more meaningful than those of Burmese exiles writing one constitution after another or forming one parallel government after another.
Indeed, a variety of elite groups that can closely associate with policy circles have gradually emerged over the past decade. Some enjoy cosy relationships with the military top brass and have come to believe they can actually influence the men in uniform. Overestimating their own ability and underestimating the psychological game the regime plays with them, they ignore important aspects of societal attitudes and mindsets which constitute the nation’s political culture. For these pseudo-political Brahmans, lobbying, networking, and tea-leaves reading on military elites have become rites and rituals.
Elitist movements downplay mass preferences, and the correlation between politics and passion. Yet, how will it be possible to explain the choice of political prisoners prepared to spend several years in prison for their beliefs? Why are some activists taking great personal risks to engage in specific civic movements?
Burma has a paradoxical political culture that oscillates between two extremes. At one end lies the “zero sum” mindset which sees everything from an “absolute gain” perspective. On the other, there is lax accommodation which allows ample space for contradictory thoughts and actions. The tension between them seemed to have created both radical breaks and unresolved conflicts in the nation’s history. Under oppressive regimes, Burmese political elites who tried to change or undermine the system from “within” never had much success. They mostly became ineffective and unresponsive to the people’s inputs with time.
Burmese political culture also has been marked by populism exploited by paternalist elites. A number of pre-war Burmese politicians, who also were elitist conservatives, shrewdly ran their campaigns on populist platforms. The electoral victories of late prime minister U Nu and Aung San Suu Kyi came from their direct appeal to populist roots.
Democratization is a long, evolutionary process. Western consolidated democracies also had to undergo elite-monopolized stages of transition until this was effectively challenged by civil and political rights movements of the 1960s. The fact that there are dynamics of social movements in every political development should not be overlooked. Such dynamics were recurrent about every ten years in Burma under colonial administration and authoritarian regimes. Burma’s road to democracy will be long, but civilian political elites will not have an indefinite tenure to reform decades-old structural conditions. In a future government, they will also be countered by their military colleagues, a highly-opinionated class mostly trained in authoritarian political cultures.
Furthermore, the constitution carries inherent seeds of endless conflicts. The largest and major ethnic groups are left out from the process and military domination has been institutionalized. If third-force elites cannot prevent further escalations of conflicts, violations of human rights, outflows of refugees, and improve livelihoods of the masses over the next ten years, the intellectual excitement they are currently showing for 2010 will be completely in vain.
The emergence and survival of democracy depends not only on economic development but also on certain cultural factors. The latter can be shaped by empowering the people in the form of civic education and democratic values. Burmese society must be transformed from one driven by fear into one driven by wisdom. Without these factors, as in many countries in the region, elites’ disregard or manipulation of the masses will only bring paternalism and crony capitalism, even if Burma can manage to have formal institutions of electoral democracy. In the worst case scenario, Burma will be as poor and unfree under despotic rulers as it is now. After all, third-force intellectuals should know even the worst-case scenarios are useful for strategic calculations.
Arthur Sim is an independent observer on Burmese politics and society.
In the mid-1990s, Burma began to see the emergence of a new class of foreign-educated civilian elites at home and abroad. Many Burmese youths on the border had decided to settle in a third country and Western embassies in Rangoon started to sponsor study trips and professional training for notable local personalities in media and social work who would later be known under the banner of “civil society.”
By the early 2000s, the ruling junta had learned how to cleverly manipulate different stakeholders for its own strategic interests by allowing them well-calculated and limited political space instead of merely using crude methods of oppression.
After Depayin, a few leading Western-trained Burmese activists came to reckon that there was no prospect of ending the deadlock in the traditional paradigm of the conflict between the junta on one side and the mainstream opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi on the other.
Renouncing sanctions and advocating Track Two diplomacy, they came to highlight the role of moderates in national reconciliation. This, in effect, seemed to be the beginning of a movement which would be joined a few years later by like-minded intellectuals, veteran bureaucrats, media people, NGO careerists, ethnic peacemakers and business people in and outside Burma.
Regular scholarly seminars and increased networking among the best-trained Burmese have finally given the movement an air of elitism. Ideological underpinnings can influence elite behaviour and ambitions. Is this movement just an elitist maneuver of masterminding strategic assumptions in closed-door meetings? How much are these new elites prepared for different scenarios of political and social change in Burma?
The movement obviously is not monolithic. Media organizations have attempted to pin down some of its voices as Third Force or Third Group. Policy circles want to promote it as “emergent civil society” or “alternative elites” that differ from military and opposition elites.
The third force can be understood in two different ways. The first one is to see it as a movement that is agnostic about the traditional power struggle between the military regime and pro-democracy oppositions. The second is to understand it as a force which would pursue its interests by collaborating (or cooperating) with status quo powers in a “given” political process. Two other forces are hardliners refusing to work with the regime and hardcore activists aiming to participate in the process as a battleground for further confrontations.
The third force therefore shows more political ambition in the second interpretation. Empirically, the process means the Road Map and 2010 elections. Several third forcers accordingly view the 2008 constitution as a “transitional document,” and the future legislature as a substantial political platform.Their optimism has been reinforced by certain theories of “pacted transition” that focus on agency in the context of elite bargaining. They apparently take structural conditions only lightly and argue that 2010 will be a “structural shift.”
This second definition of the third force not only presents analytical problems, but also makes it unattractive. For one reason, the idea can accommodate a myriad of agents ranging from pro-Road Map clans, disgruntled former opposition members, veteran and seasoned politicians to ambitious kingmakers and power brokers of all stripes who would receive relative gains in the new system. This conceptual ground will be untenable if one group wants to exclude the others on value judgement.
For another, political leanings and independence of these groups vary greatly, raising the question of the definition of “moderates.” In a democratic transition, moderates will not be marked with “moderate” sign on their foreheads. Were the handful of former National League for Democracy MP-elects who decided to remain at the National Convention moderates? Will an outspoken, democratic representative highly critical of the regime’s dishonourable policies be considered too confrontational and branded as a hardliner? Will institutional contexts allow such a citizen to make it to Burma’s legislature and survive?
The regional political atmosphere indicates that Burma is moving in the direction of an “authoritarian transition”, but without enlightened leadership and respect of liberal values. Against this backdrop, domestic civilian elites will have a role to play. However, the reality on the ground may not be as simple as a few select strands of strategic thoughts, speculations, and wishful thinking that some of them have chosen to believe.
One of the striking features of the third force intellectualism is its optimism about Burma’s new constitution. Many third forcers choose to overlook the fact that the 2008 constitution was never meant to be a “transitional document” by the ruling military. Burma’s constitutional conundrum actually runs deeper than conceding 25 percent of legislative seats to the armed forces. The amendment procedure is purposely made rigid and difficult. Even if an amendment in favor of further democratization is procedurally successful, the commander-in-chief can stage a coup d’état under the pretext of preserving the constitution.
In terms of rights and freedom, the constitution adopts a parsimonious approach. Even the most fundamental rights are at the mercy of the whim of the regime which it vaguely refers to as “laws”. In post-colonial, developing countries, the most disturbing problem is the system of “rule by law” in the guise of “rule of law.” In such a system, governments may use any law, colonial or post-independence, arbitrarily to suppress political dissent. Mainly identifying democracy with elections and constitutions, some third-force strategists make irrelevant comparisons between consolidated democracies and illiberal regimes, magnifying checks and balances, real and imagined, in the latter.
Commonsensical reading of the country’s history implies that structural conditions and the essence of the Union Parliament after 2010 will be similar to those in the National Convention or in the Burmese Socialist Programme Party-era People’s Assembly. The most likely scenario will be representatives or delegates reading out the scripts that have been prepared in advance and authorized by centralized committees. The constitution requires a minimum of only one session of the Union legislature per year. With military representatives who also are public servants, one session might not be able to run for more than a few months. In fact, the constitution does not even need legislators to make laws. Union level organizations can also initiate a bill.
Thus, in the years that follow 2010, Burma’s alternative elites will be judged not by how much fascinating ideas about elite agreement they possess, but by how much they can achieve inside rigid and illiberal institutions. It is the essence which really matters. The ideas that disproportionately pay attention only to the form will be no more meaningful than those of Burmese exiles writing one constitution after another or forming one parallel government after another.
Indeed, a variety of elite groups that can closely associate with policy circles have gradually emerged over the past decade. Some enjoy cosy relationships with the military top brass and have come to believe they can actually influence the men in uniform. Overestimating their own ability and underestimating the psychological game the regime plays with them, they ignore important aspects of societal attitudes and mindsets which constitute the nation’s political culture. For these pseudo-political Brahmans, lobbying, networking, and tea-leaves reading on military elites have become rites and rituals.
Elitist movements downplay mass preferences, and the correlation between politics and passion. Yet, how will it be possible to explain the choice of political prisoners prepared to spend several years in prison for their beliefs? Why are some activists taking great personal risks to engage in specific civic movements?
Burma has a paradoxical political culture that oscillates between two extremes. At one end lies the “zero sum” mindset which sees everything from an “absolute gain” perspective. On the other, there is lax accommodation which allows ample space for contradictory thoughts and actions. The tension between them seemed to have created both radical breaks and unresolved conflicts in the nation’s history. Under oppressive regimes, Burmese political elites who tried to change or undermine the system from “within” never had much success. They mostly became ineffective and unresponsive to the people’s inputs with time.
Burmese political culture also has been marked by populism exploited by paternalist elites. A number of pre-war Burmese politicians, who also were elitist conservatives, shrewdly ran their campaigns on populist platforms. The electoral victories of late prime minister U Nu and Aung San Suu Kyi came from their direct appeal to populist roots.
Democratization is a long, evolutionary process. Western consolidated democracies also had to undergo elite-monopolized stages of transition until this was effectively challenged by civil and political rights movements of the 1960s. The fact that there are dynamics of social movements in every political development should not be overlooked. Such dynamics were recurrent about every ten years in Burma under colonial administration and authoritarian regimes. Burma’s road to democracy will be long, but civilian political elites will not have an indefinite tenure to reform decades-old structural conditions. In a future government, they will also be countered by their military colleagues, a highly-opinionated class mostly trained in authoritarian political cultures.
Furthermore, the constitution carries inherent seeds of endless conflicts. The largest and major ethnic groups are left out from the process and military domination has been institutionalized. If third-force elites cannot prevent further escalations of conflicts, violations of human rights, outflows of refugees, and improve livelihoods of the masses over the next ten years, the intellectual excitement they are currently showing for 2010 will be completely in vain.
The emergence and survival of democracy depends not only on economic development but also on certain cultural factors. The latter can be shaped by empowering the people in the form of civic education and democratic values. Burmese society must be transformed from one driven by fear into one driven by wisdom. Without these factors, as in many countries in the region, elites’ disregard or manipulation of the masses will only bring paternalism and crony capitalism, even if Burma can manage to have formal institutions of electoral democracy. In the worst case scenario, Burma will be as poor and unfree under despotic rulers as it is now. After all, third-force intellectuals should know even the worst-case scenarios are useful for strategic calculations.
Arthur Sim is an independent observer on Burmese politics and society.
Thai PM Avoids Office on 5th Day of Protests
By AMBIKA AHUJA / AP WRITER
BANGKOK — Thailand's prime minister avoided his office Monday as thousands of protesters calling for his resignation and allied with deposed leader Thaksin Shinawatra surrounded the seat of government for a fifth day.
Protesters ignored police warnings to stop blocking entrances to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's office, where they have gathered since Thursday in the largest protests since his administration arrived in December.
The demonstrators say Abhisit's government came to power through illegal means and should step down. Abhisit has rejected their calls.
Abhisit said last week he would enter his office at Government House on Monday. But he revised the plan Monday morning, saying the situation remained under control, but he would not be going to his office before traveling to London on Tuesday for the G-20 summit.
"I have not received any report of anything abnormal," he told reporters at Parliament before a meeting at the United Nation's regional headquarters, which is near Government House.
Hundreds of protesters staged a loud but peaceful protest outside the UN office amid tight security.
The protests are the latest episode in Thailand's long-running political turmoil, which last year was dominated by months of demonstrations by Thaksin's political opponents, who besieged Government House and shuttered Bangkok's two main airports for a week.
Outside Government House, police shouted warnings through loudspeakers: "If you don't disperse, we will use crowd control measures ranging from soft measures to harsh measures."
But the warnings emboldened thousands of protesters gathered in the midday heat, as they listened to speakers on a makeshift stage.
"Please prepare yourselves for possible crackdown," one protest leader, Nattawut Sai-kua, told the crowd. "But you have nothing to fear. Thousands more will join us if the police use violence."
Police Lt-Gen Worapong Chiewpreecha said security officials have not been ordered to disperse the crowd. Abhisit has repeatedly said the government will not use violence.
The latest protests have been organized by demonstrators commonly known as the "red shirts" because of their attire, which contrasts with the yellow shirts worn by their rivals, who led last year's protests. The group is an eclectic mix of Thaksin loyalists, rural farmers and laborers.
On Sunday, Abhisit said authorities are trying to block the call-ins by Thaksin, who has become the main attraction at the rallies, speaking via video link on an almost nightly basis from abroad. He has called for supporters to stage nationwide protests.
Thaksin was deposed by a 2006 coup for corruption and abuse of power. He fled into exile last year before a court convicted him in absentia of violating a conflict of interest law.
The tycoon-turned-politician remains popular with the poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies.
The tycoon-turned-politician remains popular with the poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies and has managed to address supporters by telephone or video link from Asia, the Middle East, Latin America and most recently Africa, aides said.
"I call on you to rise up across the country," Thaksin told about 30,000 protesters Saturday night.
"You don't need to come to Bangkok, but rally in peace throughout the country to say that we cherish democracy," said Thaksin, his image on a giant screen outside Government House, which he occupied for six years as prime minister.
Thitinan Pongsidhirak, a political scientist at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, said Thaksin's messages show he is determined to take his political battle to a new level.
"In terms of rallying the troops, it was a war cry," Thitinan said. "Despite the passage of time and distance, the support Thaksin has in the countryside is still potent. Last night he activated that support."
At another protest Friday night, Thaksin dropped what Thai media have called a "bombshell." He accused the chief adviser to King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the country's revered constitutional monarch, of being a mastermind of the 2006 coup and undermining Thai democracy.
The comments shocked Thailand, where the king's Privy Council is considered by many an extension of the king himself, who is widely adored and protected from reproach by strict laws.
Privy Council head Prem Tinsulanonda has not publicly responded to the allegations, which other members of the council have denied.
BANGKOK — Thailand's prime minister avoided his office Monday as thousands of protesters calling for his resignation and allied with deposed leader Thaksin Shinawatra surrounded the seat of government for a fifth day.
Protesters ignored police warnings to stop blocking entrances to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's office, where they have gathered since Thursday in the largest protests since his administration arrived in December.
The demonstrators say Abhisit's government came to power through illegal means and should step down. Abhisit has rejected their calls.
Abhisit said last week he would enter his office at Government House on Monday. But he revised the plan Monday morning, saying the situation remained under control, but he would not be going to his office before traveling to London on Tuesday for the G-20 summit.
"I have not received any report of anything abnormal," he told reporters at Parliament before a meeting at the United Nation's regional headquarters, which is near Government House.
Hundreds of protesters staged a loud but peaceful protest outside the UN office amid tight security.
The protests are the latest episode in Thailand's long-running political turmoil, which last year was dominated by months of demonstrations by Thaksin's political opponents, who besieged Government House and shuttered Bangkok's two main airports for a week.
Outside Government House, police shouted warnings through loudspeakers: "If you don't disperse, we will use crowd control measures ranging from soft measures to harsh measures."
But the warnings emboldened thousands of protesters gathered in the midday heat, as they listened to speakers on a makeshift stage.
"Please prepare yourselves for possible crackdown," one protest leader, Nattawut Sai-kua, told the crowd. "But you have nothing to fear. Thousands more will join us if the police use violence."
Police Lt-Gen Worapong Chiewpreecha said security officials have not been ordered to disperse the crowd. Abhisit has repeatedly said the government will not use violence.
The latest protests have been organized by demonstrators commonly known as the "red shirts" because of their attire, which contrasts with the yellow shirts worn by their rivals, who led last year's protests. The group is an eclectic mix of Thaksin loyalists, rural farmers and laborers.
On Sunday, Abhisit said authorities are trying to block the call-ins by Thaksin, who has become the main attraction at the rallies, speaking via video link on an almost nightly basis from abroad. He has called for supporters to stage nationwide protests.
Thaksin was deposed by a 2006 coup for corruption and abuse of power. He fled into exile last year before a court convicted him in absentia of violating a conflict of interest law.
The tycoon-turned-politician remains popular with the poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies.
The tycoon-turned-politician remains popular with the poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies and has managed to address supporters by telephone or video link from Asia, the Middle East, Latin America and most recently Africa, aides said.
"I call on you to rise up across the country," Thaksin told about 30,000 protesters Saturday night.
"You don't need to come to Bangkok, but rally in peace throughout the country to say that we cherish democracy," said Thaksin, his image on a giant screen outside Government House, which he occupied for six years as prime minister.
Thitinan Pongsidhirak, a political scientist at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, said Thaksin's messages show he is determined to take his political battle to a new level.
"In terms of rallying the troops, it was a war cry," Thitinan said. "Despite the passage of time and distance, the support Thaksin has in the countryside is still potent. Last night he activated that support."
At another protest Friday night, Thaksin dropped what Thai media have called a "bombshell." He accused the chief adviser to King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the country's revered constitutional monarch, of being a mastermind of the 2006 coup and undermining Thai democracy.
The comments shocked Thailand, where the king's Privy Council is considered by many an extension of the king himself, who is widely adored and protected from reproach by strict laws.
Privy Council head Prem Tinsulanonda has not publicly responded to the allegations, which other members of the council have denied.
Popular Burmese Snack Tainted with Chemical Dye
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
RANGOON — Burma's Health Ministry on Sunday banned the sale of 57 brands of pickled tea leaves, a popular snack food found to contain a harmful chemical dye.
The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper announced the ban, saying the chemical Auramine O was detected in the products as part of an ongoing investigation after 43 brands of the snack were banned earlier this month.
The ministry said Auramine O is commonly used to dye cotton, wool, silk and leather and that prolonged consumption of it in food could be harmful to the liver and kidneys and cause cancer.
Pickled tea leaves are widely eaten in Burma as a snack with condiments such as fried garlic, peanuts and dried shrimp or with curries and are commonly served at social occasions. The dye gave the snack a brighter yellow color.
"I don't know what's safe and what's not," said Khin Mar, a 65-year-old housewife in Rangoon, Burma's largest city. "I'm worried that we are eating poison everyday."
A doctor from the Health Ministry's Food and Drug Administration said chemical dyes are widely used in Burma in items such as bamboo shoots, chili powder, dried meat, soft drinks, certain beans, popular snacks such as preserved fruits and sometimes in raw fish and seafood. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media.
The production or sale of harmful food is punishable by up to three years in prison, but enforcement is not strict, the doctor said.
A news report last week said 105 food producers have received warnings about using harmful chemicals.
"The problem we're facing now is worse than the impact of melamine-tainted milk powder because chemical dye is used in a lot of food in Myanmar [Burma], including junk food and snacks eaten at schools by young children," said Than Htut Aung, a publisher and editor of several news weeklies in Burma.
He called on authorities to take action against those who violate food safety laws.
RANGOON — Burma's Health Ministry on Sunday banned the sale of 57 brands of pickled tea leaves, a popular snack food found to contain a harmful chemical dye.
The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper announced the ban, saying the chemical Auramine O was detected in the products as part of an ongoing investigation after 43 brands of the snack were banned earlier this month.
The ministry said Auramine O is commonly used to dye cotton, wool, silk and leather and that prolonged consumption of it in food could be harmful to the liver and kidneys and cause cancer.
Pickled tea leaves are widely eaten in Burma as a snack with condiments such as fried garlic, peanuts and dried shrimp or with curries and are commonly served at social occasions. The dye gave the snack a brighter yellow color.
"I don't know what's safe and what's not," said Khin Mar, a 65-year-old housewife in Rangoon, Burma's largest city. "I'm worried that we are eating poison everyday."
A doctor from the Health Ministry's Food and Drug Administration said chemical dyes are widely used in Burma in items such as bamboo shoots, chili powder, dried meat, soft drinks, certain beans, popular snacks such as preserved fruits and sometimes in raw fish and seafood. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media.
The production or sale of harmful food is punishable by up to three years in prison, but enforcement is not strict, the doctor said.
A news report last week said 105 food producers have received warnings about using harmful chemicals.
"The problem we're facing now is worse than the impact of melamine-tainted milk powder because chemical dye is used in a lot of food in Myanmar [Burma], including junk food and snacks eaten at schools by young children," said Than Htut Aung, a publisher and editor of several news weeklies in Burma.
He called on authorities to take action against those who violate food safety laws.
Scores Still Missing after Indonesian Dam Bursts
By ALI KOTARUMALOS / AP WRITER
CIRENDEU, Indonesia — Attention shifted to caring for homeless and hungry survivors Sunday after a dam burst outside the Indonesian capital, sending a wall of water crashing into a densely packed neighborhood. At least 96 people were killed and 130 others were missing—but hopes of finding them alive were dimming.
Hundreds of soldiers, police and volunteers have been digging through the mud and debris, some using hoes or their bare hands, while others scoured the banks of bloated rivers.
But so far, they have turned up mostly bodies.
"He was our best friend," said Rizki Fauzi, 17, who turned up at a local cemetery with several other somber high school students to visit a newly dug grave for 18-year-old Rochmat.
Days of heavy rain caused a large lake bordering a low-lying residential area southwest of Jakarta to overflow early Friday, sending water cascading over the rim with a thunderous rumble. Hours later, a huge section of the earth wall gave away and a 10-foot (three-meter) -high wave gushed through Cirendeu, overturning cars and uprooting trees.
National Disaster Coordinating Agency spokesman Priyadi Kardono put the death toll so far at 96.
He acknowledged that prospects of finding anyone alive were getting less likely by the hour, "though there's always the possibility that someone is alive trapped under the rubble."
Search-and-rescue operations are to continue for at least a week.
Hundreds of people were displaced by the disaster, Kardono said, though large numbers were starting to return to homes less damaged Sunday or were doubling up with friends or relatives in nearby Jakarta.
"I lost pretty much everything I own," said Rosmiati, 37, whose house was totally demolished in the muddy surge. "I'll stay with my family until I can get back on my feet."
Those less lucky were camping out in the hall of a nearby university, with others in hastily erected tent camps.
Some residents blamed authorities, saying the 76-year-old dam, built in the Dutch colonial era, had been poorly maintained. They said blocked spillways had led to repeated flooding over the years, weakening it in several places.
The Ministry of Public Works promised to investigate.
Seasonal downpours cause dozens of landslides and flash floods each year in Indonesia, a nation of 235 million.
More than 40 people were killed in the capital after rivers burst their banks two years ago. Critics said rampant overdevelopment, poor city planning and clogged drainage canals were partly to blame.
CIRENDEU, Indonesia — Attention shifted to caring for homeless and hungry survivors Sunday after a dam burst outside the Indonesian capital, sending a wall of water crashing into a densely packed neighborhood. At least 96 people were killed and 130 others were missing—but hopes of finding them alive were dimming.
Hundreds of soldiers, police and volunteers have been digging through the mud and debris, some using hoes or their bare hands, while others scoured the banks of bloated rivers.
But so far, they have turned up mostly bodies.
"He was our best friend," said Rizki Fauzi, 17, who turned up at a local cemetery with several other somber high school students to visit a newly dug grave for 18-year-old Rochmat.
Days of heavy rain caused a large lake bordering a low-lying residential area southwest of Jakarta to overflow early Friday, sending water cascading over the rim with a thunderous rumble. Hours later, a huge section of the earth wall gave away and a 10-foot (three-meter) -high wave gushed through Cirendeu, overturning cars and uprooting trees.
National Disaster Coordinating Agency spokesman Priyadi Kardono put the death toll so far at 96.
He acknowledged that prospects of finding anyone alive were getting less likely by the hour, "though there's always the possibility that someone is alive trapped under the rubble."
Search-and-rescue operations are to continue for at least a week.
Hundreds of people were displaced by the disaster, Kardono said, though large numbers were starting to return to homes less damaged Sunday or were doubling up with friends or relatives in nearby Jakarta.
"I lost pretty much everything I own," said Rosmiati, 37, whose house was totally demolished in the muddy surge. "I'll stay with my family until I can get back on my feet."
Those less lucky were camping out in the hall of a nearby university, with others in hastily erected tent camps.
Some residents blamed authorities, saying the 76-year-old dam, built in the Dutch colonial era, had been poorly maintained. They said blocked spillways had led to repeated flooding over the years, weakening it in several places.
The Ministry of Public Works promised to investigate.
Seasonal downpours cause dozens of landslides and flash floods each year in Indonesia, a nation of 235 million.
More than 40 people were killed in the capital after rivers burst their banks two years ago. Critics said rampant overdevelopment, poor city planning and clogged drainage canals were partly to blame.
March 27, 2009
Burmese Armed Forces Day Celebrated in Naypyidaw
By MIN LWIN
The 64th anniversary of Armed Forces Day was observed on Friday in Naypyidaw with the troops on parade before high-ranking members of the junta.
The 400,000-man army, navy and air force, called the tatmadaw, is one of the most battle-tested forces in Southeast Asia, having engaged ongoing armed Communist insurgents and armed ethnic separatist armies for more than six decades.
Since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the Burmese generals have doubled the size of the armed forces, now the most dominant and strongest institution in the country.
“In 1988, the army had not more than 180,000 armed personnel, but nowadays it reaches more than 400,000 personnel,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Chinese-based Burmese researcher.
He said that although Burma has upgraded its military arsenal, it has not produced high quality military commanders since the military sized power in 1988 and it suffers from low morale among the troops.
“They have formed many battalions, but a battalion has decreased in the number of personnel,” he said.
About 200 troops make up a battalion in the Burmese army.
The military has a tradition of religious and racial discrimination in the promotion of officers, according to analysts.
Defense scholar Maung Aung Myoe said there was no discrimination on racial or religious grounds in the military until the mid-1990s; Christian officers, for example, were appointed to senior staff and command positions.
Since then, however, religion and race appear to be important criteria. Although there is no official regulation, non-Buddhist officers or officers with non-Buddhist spouses are unlikely to climb beyond the rank of major or hold important command position, noted the defense scholar.
“If your spouse is a non-Buddhist, you will be sacked,” one retired captain who now works as a security officer in a hotel in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy.
The Burmese military faces problems of low morale among its forces, and the desertion rate is a concern.
Defense scholar Maung Aung Myoe quoted a confidential report that said between May and August 2006, a total of 9,467 desertions were reported; 7,761 desertions were reported between January and April 2000. Some estimates claim that the tatmadaw has a monthly average desertion rate 1,600 troops.
A retired army officer said, “The tatmadaw has low morale, especially in army.”
“Officers are involved in taking money from illegal trading in their areas,” he said. “While high-ranking Burmese military officers become wealthier, pay for ordinary soldiers at the bottom is below-standard.”
The officer-level morale is high, he said, partly because they earn more than civil servants, and they are given other benefits such as trips abroad to study on scholarships.
Even through the Burmese army is Southeast Asia’s second largest military force, it has many financial and logistic difficulties.
Maung Aung Myo said the air force is still very limited in its ability to project power. Problems include a shortage of trained pilots to fly existing aircraft, especially advanced aircraft such as the MiG-29.
The 64th anniversary of Armed Forces Day was observed on Friday in Naypyidaw with the troops on parade before high-ranking members of the junta.
The 400,000-man army, navy and air force, called the tatmadaw, is one of the most battle-tested forces in Southeast Asia, having engaged ongoing armed Communist insurgents and armed ethnic separatist armies for more than six decades.
Since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, the Burmese generals have doubled the size of the armed forces, now the most dominant and strongest institution in the country.
“In 1988, the army had not more than 180,000 armed personnel, but nowadays it reaches more than 400,000 personnel,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Chinese-based Burmese researcher.
He said that although Burma has upgraded its military arsenal, it has not produced high quality military commanders since the military sized power in 1988 and it suffers from low morale among the troops.
“They have formed many battalions, but a battalion has decreased in the number of personnel,” he said.
About 200 troops make up a battalion in the Burmese army.
The military has a tradition of religious and racial discrimination in the promotion of officers, according to analysts.
Defense scholar Maung Aung Myoe said there was no discrimination on racial or religious grounds in the military until the mid-1990s; Christian officers, for example, were appointed to senior staff and command positions.
Since then, however, religion and race appear to be important criteria. Although there is no official regulation, non-Buddhist officers or officers with non-Buddhist spouses are unlikely to climb beyond the rank of major or hold important command position, noted the defense scholar.
“If your spouse is a non-Buddhist, you will be sacked,” one retired captain who now works as a security officer in a hotel in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy.
The Burmese military faces problems of low morale among its forces, and the desertion rate is a concern.
Defense scholar Maung Aung Myoe quoted a confidential report that said between May and August 2006, a total of 9,467 desertions were reported; 7,761 desertions were reported between January and April 2000. Some estimates claim that the tatmadaw has a monthly average desertion rate 1,600 troops.
A retired army officer said, “The tatmadaw has low morale, especially in army.”
“Officers are involved in taking money from illegal trading in their areas,” he said. “While high-ranking Burmese military officers become wealthier, pay for ordinary soldiers at the bottom is below-standard.”
The officer-level morale is high, he said, partly because they earn more than civil servants, and they are given other benefits such as trips abroad to study on scholarships.
Even through the Burmese army is Southeast Asia’s second largest military force, it has many financial and logistic difficulties.
Maung Aung Myo said the air force is still very limited in its ability to project power. Problems include a shortage of trained pilots to fly existing aircraft, especially advanced aircraft such as the MiG-29.
NLD Marks Anniversary with Call for Dialogue
By LAWI WENG
Burma’s main opposition party repeated its calls for the ruling junta to begin a dialogue with its opponents and release all political prisoners during a ceremony to mark the anniversary of an important event in the country’s military history.
“Open talk is the best answer to solve political problems in Burma,” said National League for Democracy (NLD) spokesperson Nyan Win. He added that the junta was also urged to allow the party to reopen all of its offices around the country.
The NLD held the ceremony to mark Resistance Day—known officially as Armed Forces Day—at its Rangoon headquarters. Around 500 people attended the annual gathering, which commemorates an uprising against Japanese military occupation during the Second World War.
Meanwhile, Burma’s military government held its own Armed Forces Day ceremony at its new capital of Naypyidaw. More than 13,000 troops were on parade during the ceremony, which was attended by the junta’s supreme leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.
In a speech to the troops, Than Shwe rejected calls from the NLD and other opposition groups for a review of a new constitution approved last year in a referendum widely denounced as a sham.
There will be no review, the general said, because the “constitution (was) adopted by the people,” adding that Burmese must not accept “foreign ideologies” if they want to achieve democracy.
The NLD has recently urged the US to initiate talks with the junta to start a process of dialogue. Stephen Blake, the director of the US State Department’s Office of Mainland Southeast Asia, met with Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win during a trip to Naypyidaw earlier this week.
According to sources in Rangoon, security has been tight in the former capital following a bomb blast on Thursday that killed one man and injured three women in a boarding house in North Okkalapa Township.
An official said that the authorities believe the victim was making explosives. Although terrorism is rare in Burma, the military government often accuses opposition groups of trying to destabilize the country with violence.
Burma’s main opposition party repeated its calls for the ruling junta to begin a dialogue with its opponents and release all political prisoners during a ceremony to mark the anniversary of an important event in the country’s military history.
“Open talk is the best answer to solve political problems in Burma,” said National League for Democracy (NLD) spokesperson Nyan Win. He added that the junta was also urged to allow the party to reopen all of its offices around the country.
The NLD held the ceremony to mark Resistance Day—known officially as Armed Forces Day—at its Rangoon headquarters. Around 500 people attended the annual gathering, which commemorates an uprising against Japanese military occupation during the Second World War.
Meanwhile, Burma’s military government held its own Armed Forces Day ceremony at its new capital of Naypyidaw. More than 13,000 troops were on parade during the ceremony, which was attended by the junta’s supreme leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.
In a speech to the troops, Than Shwe rejected calls from the NLD and other opposition groups for a review of a new constitution approved last year in a referendum widely denounced as a sham.
There will be no review, the general said, because the “constitution (was) adopted by the people,” adding that Burmese must not accept “foreign ideologies” if they want to achieve democracy.
The NLD has recently urged the US to initiate talks with the junta to start a process of dialogue. Stephen Blake, the director of the US State Department’s Office of Mainland Southeast Asia, met with Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win during a trip to Naypyidaw earlier this week.
According to sources in Rangoon, security has been tight in the former capital following a bomb blast on Thursday that killed one man and injured three women in a boarding house in North Okkalapa Township.
An official said that the authorities believe the victim was making explosives. Although terrorism is rare in Burma, the military government often accuses opposition groups of trying to destabilize the country with violence.
Than Shwe Sets Guidelines for 2010 Polls
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
NAYPYIDAW — Burma's junta chief set some ground rules Friday for historic elections scheduled for 2010, calling on political parties to avoid smear campaigns and to remember it will take awhile to establish a "mature" democracy.
Snr-Gen Than Shwe rarely says anything in public except at the annual Armed Forces Day, a holiday celebrated Friday to mark the military's might with a customary ostentatious display of troops and military equipment.
As a traditional practice, the public was not allowed to attend the tightly guarded event at a massive parade ground in Naypyitaw, the remote administrative capital the junta moved its government offices to in 2005.
After reviewing more than 13,000 troops from inside a moving convertible, Than Shwe gave a 17-minute speech that focused on elections scheduled for 2010—which will be the first polls in almost two decades.
The elections are the last stage of the junta's so-called "roadmap to democracy," a process critics have called a sham designed to cement the military's four-decade grip on power.
The 76-year-old Than Shwe said political parties that contest the elections should "refrain from inciting unrest, avoid personal attacks and smear campaigns against other parties."
Parties that carry out "mature party organizing work will receive the blessing of the government," he said, but added the country should not expect a "well-established democracy" overnight.
"Democracy in Myanmar [Burma] today is at a fledgling stage and still requires patient care and attention," Than Shwe told the invited guests, which included military leaders, government ministers and reporters. Foreign media were denied visas to cover the event.
"As a Myanmar proverb puts it, 'a recently dug well cannot be expected to produce clear water immediately' — understanding the process of gradual maturity is crucial," he said.
A precise election date has not been set and it is not yet known who will contest the polls. Before a political party can participate it must meet the standards of a "political parties registration law," which has not yet been announced by the government.
Burma has been under military rule since 1962.
The current junta took power in 1988 after violently crushing a pro-democracy uprising. Two years later it refused to hand over power when Aung San Suu Kyi's political party won a landslide election victory.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been under house arrest for 13 of the last 19 years.
As part of its roadmap, the junta drafted a new constitution that enshrines the military's leading role in politics. One of the provisions of the constitution effectively bars Suu Kyi from holding any kind of political office in Burma.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy did not participate in the drafting process and says last year's constitutional referendum—which adopted the charter by 92 percent—was engineered by the junta. It has called for a review process that includes pro-democracy groups and ethnic representatives.
In his speech, Than Shwe clearly indicated there will be no review, saying the "constitution (was) adopted by the people."
Armed Forces Day is held every March 27 to commemorate the day in 1945 when the Burma army rose up against Japanese occupation forces.
Initially called Resistance Day, the name was dropped in 1974 to avoid offending Japan, Burma's top aid donor in the 1970s. In recent years, commemoration speeches have refrained from mentioning the fight against the Japanese.
NAYPYIDAW — Burma's junta chief set some ground rules Friday for historic elections scheduled for 2010, calling on political parties to avoid smear campaigns and to remember it will take awhile to establish a "mature" democracy.
Snr-Gen Than Shwe rarely says anything in public except at the annual Armed Forces Day, a holiday celebrated Friday to mark the military's might with a customary ostentatious display of troops and military equipment.
As a traditional practice, the public was not allowed to attend the tightly guarded event at a massive parade ground in Naypyitaw, the remote administrative capital the junta moved its government offices to in 2005.
After reviewing more than 13,000 troops from inside a moving convertible, Than Shwe gave a 17-minute speech that focused on elections scheduled for 2010—which will be the first polls in almost two decades.
The elections are the last stage of the junta's so-called "roadmap to democracy," a process critics have called a sham designed to cement the military's four-decade grip on power.
The 76-year-old Than Shwe said political parties that contest the elections should "refrain from inciting unrest, avoid personal attacks and smear campaigns against other parties."
Parties that carry out "mature party organizing work will receive the blessing of the government," he said, but added the country should not expect a "well-established democracy" overnight.
"Democracy in Myanmar [Burma] today is at a fledgling stage and still requires patient care and attention," Than Shwe told the invited guests, which included military leaders, government ministers and reporters. Foreign media were denied visas to cover the event.
"As a Myanmar proverb puts it, 'a recently dug well cannot be expected to produce clear water immediately' — understanding the process of gradual maturity is crucial," he said.
A precise election date has not been set and it is not yet known who will contest the polls. Before a political party can participate it must meet the standards of a "political parties registration law," which has not yet been announced by the government.
Burma has been under military rule since 1962.
The current junta took power in 1988 after violently crushing a pro-democracy uprising. Two years later it refused to hand over power when Aung San Suu Kyi's political party won a landslide election victory.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been under house arrest for 13 of the last 19 years.
As part of its roadmap, the junta drafted a new constitution that enshrines the military's leading role in politics. One of the provisions of the constitution effectively bars Suu Kyi from holding any kind of political office in Burma.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy did not participate in the drafting process and says last year's constitutional referendum—which adopted the charter by 92 percent—was engineered by the junta. It has called for a review process that includes pro-democracy groups and ethnic representatives.
In his speech, Than Shwe clearly indicated there will be no review, saying the "constitution (was) adopted by the people."
Armed Forces Day is held every March 27 to commemorate the day in 1945 when the Burma army rose up against Japanese occupation forces.
Initially called Resistance Day, the name was dropped in 1974 to avoid offending Japan, Burma's top aid donor in the 1970s. In recent years, commemoration speeches have refrained from mentioning the fight against the Japanese.
Generals Go Marching Down Memory Lane
By AUNG ZAW
Some retired generals and senior officers in Burma have created a storm in Burma’s literary circles by publishing their autobiographies, which are being read with interest inside and outside the country. The books shed light on the inner thoughts of the reclusive military veterans and the famous battles they waged against Burmese communists, the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) and ethnic rebels.
But the authors aren’t telling their readers all. The draconian publishing laws that followed the 1988 uprising affected them, too, and they can be counted among the victims of self-censorship, with only limited freedom to share their stories with the reading public.
Among the autobiographies that have been well received by the Burmese public is a colorful memoir by Lt-Gen Chit Swe, 75.
Chit Swe was head of the bureau of special operations (South) before the 1988 uprising and a member of the State Law and Order Restoration Council that took power in that year. He last served as forestry minister and was removed from that office in 1997.
Other prominent generals who have published memoirs include Maj-Gen Hla Myint Swe, former transport minister, Brig-Gen Than Tin, deputy prime minister, Brig-Gen Ko Ko, Col Tun Tin, former prime minister, Col Nyunt Swe, former deputy foreign minister, and Major P Kyaw Han, former chairman of Pegu Division.
Their books include impressive accounts of battlefield experiences. On the other hand, their understanding of politics, democracy, diplomacy, economics and the ethnic diversity of Burma is limited. Indeed, this limitation no doubt has led the country to its present state. The generals were trained to repel enemies and defend the nation—and not to run a government.
Brig-Gen Than Tin, who led successful “four cuts” operations against communist insurgents in the Pegu Yoma mountains and ethnic insurgencies in the Irrawaddy delta in the late 1960s early 1970s, was a no-nonsense military officer determined to wipe out the insurgents.
In his autobiography, the general, now in his 80s, proudly claims that he defeated the multi-faceted insurgency and asks whether insurgents dare repeat their past mistakes.
Than Tin recalls that before setting out for Pegu Yoma he breakfasted with the War Office commander in chief, Gen San Yu, finding him gentle and modest. This is the impression of San Yu conveyed in other books, too.
Thus it was chilling to hear the general, handpicked by Gen Ne Win, issue a firm order to turn the insurgent-prone Pegu Yoma into a so-called “White Zone,” free of all insurgents. The Burmese army considered Pegu Yoma to be the enemy’s “brain” and the Irrawaddy delta its “stomach.”
In the next few years, Than Tin applied the “four cuts” strategy against villages and communist insurgents. Two hard-core leaders, Thakin Zin and Thakin Chit, were killed and the insurgency was over.
The “four cuts” strategy—involving forced resettlement of entire communities and confinement of villagers in special camps—had been learnt from the British by another author, Col Tun Tin, while studying in London. Tun Tin became prime minister in 1988.
Tun Tin, veteran of many military actions, including the “Battle of Insein,” set up a three-day war game plan attended by senior officers, including Ne Win. The plan demonstrated “four cuts operations” in practice—resettling villagers, cutting supplies, establishing intelligence, recruiting and raising funds.
It is clear from their writings that the veteran military leaders have little regret for their actions, claiming to have brought law, order and peace to Burma in the 1960s and 1970s.
Aside from their fighting skills, they were loyal to their superiors.
Ne Win invited Than Tin to join him on a trip to upper Burma soon after the general’s successful operation in Pegu Yoma, leaving him in the dark about the purpose.
Ne Win met Than Tin at the airport early in the morning and, addressing him as
“Bo Than Tin” (Ne Win liked to call his subordinates “Bo,” meaning lieutenant), said: “We are going to the north and today I will appoint you as deputy minister for mining so you are flying with me (to oversee mining projects).”
With those few words, the reshuffle procedure was over. The battle-hardened commander Than Tin, victor over the communists, never questioned his boss’s decision.
In Chit Swe’s books, Ne Win’s name is carefully replaced by “Lugyi,” meaning a senior person or high-ranking official. The reason for the substitution is that the former forestry minister’s books were published after Ne Win’s family members were arrested in 2001, accused of plotting a coup against top military leaders. Ne Win himself was placed under house arrest and died there—and since then his name is not allowed to be mentioned in any publications.
Chit Swe, who was then deputy commander in the southern region, recalls an eventful trip he made with Ne Win in the mid-1970s to a pearl-producing island.
Ne Win stayed up late into the night, and his physicians became nervous. Their concern was shared by senior officers at the War Office in Rangoon, who repeatedly called Chit Swe and his boss, Col Myo Aung, commander of the Southern Region, to ask whether Ne Win had yet retired to bed.
Ne Win kept all awake by strolling along the beach, followed by dozens of security guards and worried army officers, cracking jokes that nobody shared.
Chit Swe engaged Ne Win in a conversation about a common interest, horse-racing, finally steering him in the direction of the dictator’s sleeping quarters. But Ne Win demanded to sleep at a small jetty.
Chit Swe and a group of soldiers hurriedly prepared a bed and settled the dictator down for the night with some of his guards. Chit Swe later suggested in his book that Ne Win might have been nervous on the island because local security arrangements were in the hands of Col Myo Aung—a younger brother of Ba Thein Tin, chairman of the Communist Party of Burma.
Chit Swe’s books contain many stories of encounters with Thai counterparts, including army chief Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, Gen Wimol Wongwanich and some senior officials. He admired Thailand’s growth and reputation and expressed high respect for the Thai king and the queen.
While based in the south, Chit Swe once persuaded his boss, Gen San Yu, during a visit to Kawthaung, to listen to the Thai king’s birthday speech. Perhaps Chit Swe indirectly wanted his boss to learn how to engage in public speaking.
San Yu sat and listened for a while and finally left the room, saying that leaders should occasionally speak to the nation. But he returned to the task of signing official papers—San Yu was indeed one of Ne Win’s yes-men.
In one section of his book, Chit Swe recalls a visit he made to Thailand with Gen Than Shwe, then deputy commander in chief of the armed forces. They received special treatment and found Thai generals eager to please their Burmese guests—because of their interest in the natural resources of Burma, Chit Swe notes.
As Chit Swe and Than Shwe were greeted by Thai officers, young female parachutists landed in front of them and presented them with garlands and flowers. Not surprisingly, all the young women were beautiful, Chit Swe notes.
Chit Swe was eager to repair relations with the US, and he led a semi-official delegation on a visit there in 1994. Speaking to this correspondent, he often mentioned the US election, US president Obama, Bush’s policy on Burma, sanctions and the current economic crisis.
During his US visit, Chit Swe met Senators John McCain, Richard Shelby, Jesse Helms, as well as officials and American scholars. Whenever human rights and democracy issues were raised, Chit Swe and his delegation defended the regime.
Chit Swe and other generals and senior military men who have written autobiographies have all been careful when writing about the 1988 uprising, often toeing the official line and expressing the need for the spirit of union and for the armed forces to maintain law and order. As long as the army is united, the country will never disintegrate, Chit Swe asserts.
But Chit Swe was one of the moderate soldiers. He admitted the failure of the “Burmese Way to Socialism” in 1988. At one point during the uprising, he was assigned to calm air force officers who were joining the demonstrators. He was ridiculed by the rebellious officers, but his calm approach pacified them.
Chit Swe says in his book that the armed forces had no intention to hold onto power for long. But it has now been 20 years, and Chit Swe has had little influence in telling his boss Than Shwe how to steer the country.
Likewise, Tun Tin, who briefly became prime minister in 1988, says in his book that he and his cabinet were preparing to reform the country’s economy and create an open market, but it was too late.
During the 1970s and 1980s, Tun Tin often flew to the German Federal Republic and Japan to get soft loans and assistance, knowing that his country’s economy was falling apart. But during that time, none of these battle-hardened soldiers took a bold step, and it seems now that they look back with some regret and sadness.
In any case, all their books are colorful and interesting to read. They illustrate the psyche of tough soldiers and generals who blindly loved their country and jealously controlled their power in the past—as well as their thirst for golf and whisky.
All in all, the books written by generals and senior army officers demonstrate that patriotism was the main reason they entered the armed forces, believing they were saving the country from insurgency and external threat.
There’s no doubt that the armed forces command their absolute love and faith. They want to see the country prosper in peace, but they don’t have the wisdom to cure its ills.
To be fair, the books show that their authors are human beings—but it must be said that they share responsibility for much human suffering in Burma.
They are now retired and in their old age, happy to talk about most topics apart from current politics. They realize that all is not well in Burma but they can’t speak out—they are also prisoners in their own country.
Some retired generals and senior officers in Burma have created a storm in Burma’s literary circles by publishing their autobiographies, which are being read with interest inside and outside the country. The books shed light on the inner thoughts of the reclusive military veterans and the famous battles they waged against Burmese communists, the Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) and ethnic rebels.
But the authors aren’t telling their readers all. The draconian publishing laws that followed the 1988 uprising affected them, too, and they can be counted among the victims of self-censorship, with only limited freedom to share their stories with the reading public.
Among the autobiographies that have been well received by the Burmese public is a colorful memoir by Lt-Gen Chit Swe, 75.
Chit Swe was head of the bureau of special operations (South) before the 1988 uprising and a member of the State Law and Order Restoration Council that took power in that year. He last served as forestry minister and was removed from that office in 1997.
Other prominent generals who have published memoirs include Maj-Gen Hla Myint Swe, former transport minister, Brig-Gen Than Tin, deputy prime minister, Brig-Gen Ko Ko, Col Tun Tin, former prime minister, Col Nyunt Swe, former deputy foreign minister, and Major P Kyaw Han, former chairman of Pegu Division.
Their books include impressive accounts of battlefield experiences. On the other hand, their understanding of politics, democracy, diplomacy, economics and the ethnic diversity of Burma is limited. Indeed, this limitation no doubt has led the country to its present state. The generals were trained to repel enemies and defend the nation—and not to run a government.
Brig-Gen Than Tin, who led successful “four cuts” operations against communist insurgents in the Pegu Yoma mountains and ethnic insurgencies in the Irrawaddy delta in the late 1960s early 1970s, was a no-nonsense military officer determined to wipe out the insurgents.
In his autobiography, the general, now in his 80s, proudly claims that he defeated the multi-faceted insurgency and asks whether insurgents dare repeat their past mistakes.
Than Tin recalls that before setting out for Pegu Yoma he breakfasted with the War Office commander in chief, Gen San Yu, finding him gentle and modest. This is the impression of San Yu conveyed in other books, too.
Thus it was chilling to hear the general, handpicked by Gen Ne Win, issue a firm order to turn the insurgent-prone Pegu Yoma into a so-called “White Zone,” free of all insurgents. The Burmese army considered Pegu Yoma to be the enemy’s “brain” and the Irrawaddy delta its “stomach.”
In the next few years, Than Tin applied the “four cuts” strategy against villages and communist insurgents. Two hard-core leaders, Thakin Zin and Thakin Chit, were killed and the insurgency was over.
The “four cuts” strategy—involving forced resettlement of entire communities and confinement of villagers in special camps—had been learnt from the British by another author, Col Tun Tin, while studying in London. Tun Tin became prime minister in 1988.
Tun Tin, veteran of many military actions, including the “Battle of Insein,” set up a three-day war game plan attended by senior officers, including Ne Win. The plan demonstrated “four cuts operations” in practice—resettling villagers, cutting supplies, establishing intelligence, recruiting and raising funds.
It is clear from their writings that the veteran military leaders have little regret for their actions, claiming to have brought law, order and peace to Burma in the 1960s and 1970s.
Aside from their fighting skills, they were loyal to their superiors.
Ne Win invited Than Tin to join him on a trip to upper Burma soon after the general’s successful operation in Pegu Yoma, leaving him in the dark about the purpose.
Ne Win met Than Tin at the airport early in the morning and, addressing him as
“Bo Than Tin” (Ne Win liked to call his subordinates “Bo,” meaning lieutenant), said: “We are going to the north and today I will appoint you as deputy minister for mining so you are flying with me (to oversee mining projects).”
With those few words, the reshuffle procedure was over. The battle-hardened commander Than Tin, victor over the communists, never questioned his boss’s decision.
In Chit Swe’s books, Ne Win’s name is carefully replaced by “Lugyi,” meaning a senior person or high-ranking official. The reason for the substitution is that the former forestry minister’s books were published after Ne Win’s family members were arrested in 2001, accused of plotting a coup against top military leaders. Ne Win himself was placed under house arrest and died there—and since then his name is not allowed to be mentioned in any publications.
Chit Swe, who was then deputy commander in the southern region, recalls an eventful trip he made with Ne Win in the mid-1970s to a pearl-producing island.
Ne Win stayed up late into the night, and his physicians became nervous. Their concern was shared by senior officers at the War Office in Rangoon, who repeatedly called Chit Swe and his boss, Col Myo Aung, commander of the Southern Region, to ask whether Ne Win had yet retired to bed.
Ne Win kept all awake by strolling along the beach, followed by dozens of security guards and worried army officers, cracking jokes that nobody shared.
Chit Swe engaged Ne Win in a conversation about a common interest, horse-racing, finally steering him in the direction of the dictator’s sleeping quarters. But Ne Win demanded to sleep at a small jetty.
Chit Swe and a group of soldiers hurriedly prepared a bed and settled the dictator down for the night with some of his guards. Chit Swe later suggested in his book that Ne Win might have been nervous on the island because local security arrangements were in the hands of Col Myo Aung—a younger brother of Ba Thein Tin, chairman of the Communist Party of Burma.
Chit Swe’s books contain many stories of encounters with Thai counterparts, including army chief Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, Gen Wimol Wongwanich and some senior officials. He admired Thailand’s growth and reputation and expressed high respect for the Thai king and the queen.
While based in the south, Chit Swe once persuaded his boss, Gen San Yu, during a visit to Kawthaung, to listen to the Thai king’s birthday speech. Perhaps Chit Swe indirectly wanted his boss to learn how to engage in public speaking.
San Yu sat and listened for a while and finally left the room, saying that leaders should occasionally speak to the nation. But he returned to the task of signing official papers—San Yu was indeed one of Ne Win’s yes-men.
In one section of his book, Chit Swe recalls a visit he made to Thailand with Gen Than Shwe, then deputy commander in chief of the armed forces. They received special treatment and found Thai generals eager to please their Burmese guests—because of their interest in the natural resources of Burma, Chit Swe notes.
As Chit Swe and Than Shwe were greeted by Thai officers, young female parachutists landed in front of them and presented them with garlands and flowers. Not surprisingly, all the young women were beautiful, Chit Swe notes.
Chit Swe was eager to repair relations with the US, and he led a semi-official delegation on a visit there in 1994. Speaking to this correspondent, he often mentioned the US election, US president Obama, Bush’s policy on Burma, sanctions and the current economic crisis.
During his US visit, Chit Swe met Senators John McCain, Richard Shelby, Jesse Helms, as well as officials and American scholars. Whenever human rights and democracy issues were raised, Chit Swe and his delegation defended the regime.
Chit Swe and other generals and senior military men who have written autobiographies have all been careful when writing about the 1988 uprising, often toeing the official line and expressing the need for the spirit of union and for the armed forces to maintain law and order. As long as the army is united, the country will never disintegrate, Chit Swe asserts.
But Chit Swe was one of the moderate soldiers. He admitted the failure of the “Burmese Way to Socialism” in 1988. At one point during the uprising, he was assigned to calm air force officers who were joining the demonstrators. He was ridiculed by the rebellious officers, but his calm approach pacified them.
Chit Swe says in his book that the armed forces had no intention to hold onto power for long. But it has now been 20 years, and Chit Swe has had little influence in telling his boss Than Shwe how to steer the country.
Likewise, Tun Tin, who briefly became prime minister in 1988, says in his book that he and his cabinet were preparing to reform the country’s economy and create an open market, but it was too late.
During the 1970s and 1980s, Tun Tin often flew to the German Federal Republic and Japan to get soft loans and assistance, knowing that his country’s economy was falling apart. But during that time, none of these battle-hardened soldiers took a bold step, and it seems now that they look back with some regret and sadness.
In any case, all their books are colorful and interesting to read. They illustrate the psyche of tough soldiers and generals who blindly loved their country and jealously controlled their power in the past—as well as their thirst for golf and whisky.
All in all, the books written by generals and senior army officers demonstrate that patriotism was the main reason they entered the armed forces, believing they were saving the country from insurgency and external threat.
There’s no doubt that the armed forces command their absolute love and faith. They want to see the country prosper in peace, but they don’t have the wisdom to cure its ills.
To be fair, the books show that their authors are human beings—but it must be said that they share responsibility for much human suffering in Burma.
They are now retired and in their old age, happy to talk about most topics apart from current politics. They realize that all is not well in Burma but they can’t speak out—they are also prisoners in their own country.
Suu Kyi News on Chinese TV
By THE IRRAWADDY
A state-run Chinese TV station in Yunnan Province broadcast news on Wednesday concerning detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
According to sources in Ruili on the Sino-Burmese border, the news program stated that the Geneva-based UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had declared that the ongoing house arrest of the Nobel Prize laureate was illegal and contrary to the domestic law of Burma.
It is rare to see Suu Kyi’s picture or hear mention of her name in the Chinese media as Beijing has long been a strong supporter of the Burmese junta.
Burma observers have suggested that the apparent recognition of the Burmese opposition leader by a Chinese network could signal a cooling in Beijing’s support for the Burmese junta.
The broadcast came just days after the visit of a high-level US diplomat to Burma. Observers said that amid signs of a shifting US approach toward the military rulers, China might be worried that the US will influence the Burmese regime and may be looking to intimidate the junta by winning favor with the opposition.
During his four-day visit to Burma, Stephen Blake, director of the State Department's Mainland Southeast Asia Office, held talks with senior members of the opposition National League for Democracy, which is led by Suu Kyi.
Suu Kyi is being held under the terms of Burma’s State Protection Act of 1975, which provides for detention for up to five years to persons judged to pose a threat to the sovereignty and security of the state and the peace of the people. Suu Kyi already served that sentence, but it was extended for a further 12 months. Her current detention is due to expire on May 24.
A state-run Chinese TV station in Yunnan Province broadcast news on Wednesday concerning detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
According to sources in Ruili on the Sino-Burmese border, the news program stated that the Geneva-based UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had declared that the ongoing house arrest of the Nobel Prize laureate was illegal and contrary to the domestic law of Burma.
It is rare to see Suu Kyi’s picture or hear mention of her name in the Chinese media as Beijing has long been a strong supporter of the Burmese junta.
Burma observers have suggested that the apparent recognition of the Burmese opposition leader by a Chinese network could signal a cooling in Beijing’s support for the Burmese junta.
The broadcast came just days after the visit of a high-level US diplomat to Burma. Observers said that amid signs of a shifting US approach toward the military rulers, China might be worried that the US will influence the Burmese regime and may be looking to intimidate the junta by winning favor with the opposition.
During his four-day visit to Burma, Stephen Blake, director of the State Department's Mainland Southeast Asia Office, held talks with senior members of the opposition National League for Democracy, which is led by Suu Kyi.
Suu Kyi is being held under the terms of Burma’s State Protection Act of 1975, which provides for detention for up to five years to persons judged to pose a threat to the sovereignty and security of the state and the peace of the people. Suu Kyi already served that sentence, but it was extended for a further 12 months. Her current detention is due to expire on May 24.
China, Burma Sign Oil Pipeline Agreement
By THE IRRAWADDY
China will start construction this year on oil and gas pipelines more than 1,200 miles long from Kyaukpyu Port on the Bay of Bengal through Burma to southwest China.
The pipelines will pass through Kunming in Yunnan Province and continue through Guizhou Province to Chongqing municipality in southwest China.
Chinese state media reported that construction in Yunnan Province will start in the first half of the year as part of the 72 billion yuan (US $10.5 billion) energy project.
The project includes railway, road and waterway construction, as well as upgrading the port at Kyaukpyu in Arakan State. As part of the pipe line project, China has secured a 30-year deal from the junta for natural gas tapped off the Burmese coast.
Observers say that China will also use the pipelines for importing natural gas and oil from the Middle East and Africa, which currently supply 85 percent of China’s demand for oil, helping China to cut out oil shipping through the Malacca Strait.
Meanwhile, Li Changchun, a senior official of the Communist Party of China, met on Thursday with top Burmese officials in Naypyidaw during a visit to the military-ruled country.
Li, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, met with junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, Prime Minister Thein Sein and first secretary of the junta, Tin Aung Myint Oo.
According to the Chinese official news agency Xinhua, Li suggested high-level exchanges between the two leaderships to increase mutual trust in the political area.
On economic cooperation, Li proposed to work together in key sectors, including projects in areas such as energy, transportation and telecommunication.
"China will continue to encourage competent enterprises to invest in Myanmar [Burma] or participate in your infrastructure construction," he said.
According to a statement released on the Chinese central government Web site, China and Burma also signed an agreement to work together to develop hydropower projects. It didn't provide details.
China will start construction this year on oil and gas pipelines more than 1,200 miles long from Kyaukpyu Port on the Bay of Bengal through Burma to southwest China.
The pipelines will pass through Kunming in Yunnan Province and continue through Guizhou Province to Chongqing municipality in southwest China.
Chinese state media reported that construction in Yunnan Province will start in the first half of the year as part of the 72 billion yuan (US $10.5 billion) energy project.
The project includes railway, road and waterway construction, as well as upgrading the port at Kyaukpyu in Arakan State. As part of the pipe line project, China has secured a 30-year deal from the junta for natural gas tapped off the Burmese coast.
Observers say that China will also use the pipelines for importing natural gas and oil from the Middle East and Africa, which currently supply 85 percent of China’s demand for oil, helping China to cut out oil shipping through the Malacca Strait.
Meanwhile, Li Changchun, a senior official of the Communist Party of China, met on Thursday with top Burmese officials in Naypyidaw during a visit to the military-ruled country.
Li, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, met with junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, Prime Minister Thein Sein and first secretary of the junta, Tin Aung Myint Oo.
According to the Chinese official news agency Xinhua, Li suggested high-level exchanges between the two leaderships to increase mutual trust in the political area.
On economic cooperation, Li proposed to work together in key sectors, including projects in areas such as energy, transportation and telecommunication.
"China will continue to encourage competent enterprises to invest in Myanmar [Burma] or participate in your infrastructure construction," he said.
According to a statement released on the Chinese central government Web site, China and Burma also signed an agreement to work together to develop hydropower projects. It didn't provide details.
The ‘Sherpas’ of Burma
By KYI WAI
KYAIK HTI YOE—After paying homage to the pagoda, 14-year-old Than Naing bent down and hooked over his shoulders the straps of the huge bamboo basket—which was almost the same size as himself. His knees almost buckled as he pushed himself up from a squatting position. He wobbled for a minute, getting his balance. Then he set off from the famous Kyaik Hti Yoe Pagoda back down the hill.
Pilgrims and tourists coming to this world-famous Buddhist pagoda in Burma’s Mon State are forced to endure a steep 2-kilometer climb to the top of the hill where the photogenic golden rock and pagoda stand precariously overlooking a cliff.
Almost invariably, visitors prefer to hire porters to carry their bags, picnics and assorted offerings for them. After all, it’s a breathless enough journey without having to carry your bags as well.
Elderly family members or those too unfit to manage the ascent by foot can hire a porter to carry them up too. For a US $8 fee, four porters will carry him or her in a hammock suspended from a bamboo pole on the one-hour pilgrimage to the top, wait for them to pray, make merit and take photos, then carry them back down again.
Most of approximately 400 porters are local residents of Kyaik Hti Yoe. Their ages range from 13 to about 70. To qualify as porters, they must register at the labor office where they are issued a blue shirt with an official registration number on the chest.
For each trip, the porters receive a standard fee of 4,500 kyat ($4.50). From this, the labor office deducts a 500 kyat ($ 0.50) “tax,” so the porter takes home 4,000 kyat ($ 4) for each trip he or she can manage.
Four porters carrying a person to the pagoda will receive 2,000 kyat ($2) each, but again they must deduct 500 kyat each time for the labor office.
The labor office at Yathei Hill organizes the tours and coordinates the visits to Kyeik Hti Yoe Pagoda with the tour groups and drivers. They maintain a fairly rigid system and if customers complain about a particular porter, he or she will most likely be suspended for 10 days as a punishment.
With more than 400 porters vying for business, many go home each day penniless.
The busiest time of the year for pilgrims to the site is during the religious festival of Tazaung Mone in November.
But sometimes in rainy season, barely a single pilgrim will visit the pagoda. Outside the holiday season, many porters have to find alternative jobs.
Some of the porters use their unemployed time during the rains to scavenge the nearby mountains for herbal tree roots and fruit to sell at the market. Others work as farm hands.
In the off-season, Than Naing cuts down bamboo plants near his village, then chops them up and sells the bamboo to souvenir shops. But he only earns 100 kyat ($0.10) per plant and can barely manage five plants a day.
With six persons in the family, Than Naing’s mother must spend an average of 3,000 kyat ($3) per day on basic meals alone. Than Naing knows his salary from cutting bamboo is not enough.
On the other hand, working as a porter at Kyaik Hti Yoe Pagoda earns him in the region of 4,000 kyat ($4) to 8,000 kyat ($8) per day.
“As long as Kyaik Hti Yoe is standing, we’ll never starve,” he said confidently.
But while the energetic teenage porters bound up and down the hill happily three times a day, the veterans of the trade, some of whom have been doing the job for 40 years, get exhausted after one trip.
Aware of the steepness of the hill, most visitors prefer to choose young porters. More often than not, the “old boys” will spend several days sitting in the shade of the trees waiting for an officer to call their registration number.
“I’ve been working here for more than 40 years,” said 68-year-old porter Bo Aye. “I can carry any amount of baggage from Kinpun Point to the pagoda or even from Yathei Hill to the pagoda. But the visitors seldom hire me.”
Bo Aye said that, in the past, he could always earn enough as a porter to feed his family of four. But now he only gets work perhaps one day out of three or four, and is unable to provide for his family. His eldest son joined the military and died in battle when he was 17, but a younger son is also a porter.
“Some of the older porters want to retire or open a shop because they can no longer climb the hill every day,” said a 30-year-old woman, one of the few female porters at Yathei Hill. “Sometimes, they get exhausted by mid-journey and another porter has to take their load.”
She said the porters generally believe that by carrying the bags of Buddhist pilgrims they are not only making money, but making merit too.
“But I don’t want to work as a porter my whole life,” she said. “It’s very hard work.
“Each time I reach the top of the hill I pray at the pagoda that I can save enough money to quit this job and open a stall at the market.”
KYAIK HTI YOE—After paying homage to the pagoda, 14-year-old Than Naing bent down and hooked over his shoulders the straps of the huge bamboo basket—which was almost the same size as himself. His knees almost buckled as he pushed himself up from a squatting position. He wobbled for a minute, getting his balance. Then he set off from the famous Kyaik Hti Yoe Pagoda back down the hill.
Pilgrims and tourists coming to this world-famous Buddhist pagoda in Burma’s Mon State are forced to endure a steep 2-kilometer climb to the top of the hill where the photogenic golden rock and pagoda stand precariously overlooking a cliff.
Almost invariably, visitors prefer to hire porters to carry their bags, picnics and assorted offerings for them. After all, it’s a breathless enough journey without having to carry your bags as well.
Elderly family members or those too unfit to manage the ascent by foot can hire a porter to carry them up too. For a US $8 fee, four porters will carry him or her in a hammock suspended from a bamboo pole on the one-hour pilgrimage to the top, wait for them to pray, make merit and take photos, then carry them back down again.
Most of approximately 400 porters are local residents of Kyaik Hti Yoe. Their ages range from 13 to about 70. To qualify as porters, they must register at the labor office where they are issued a blue shirt with an official registration number on the chest.
For each trip, the porters receive a standard fee of 4,500 kyat ($4.50). From this, the labor office deducts a 500 kyat ($ 0.50) “tax,” so the porter takes home 4,000 kyat ($ 4) for each trip he or she can manage.
Four porters carrying a person to the pagoda will receive 2,000 kyat ($2) each, but again they must deduct 500 kyat each time for the labor office.
The labor office at Yathei Hill organizes the tours and coordinates the visits to Kyeik Hti Yoe Pagoda with the tour groups and drivers. They maintain a fairly rigid system and if customers complain about a particular porter, he or she will most likely be suspended for 10 days as a punishment.
With more than 400 porters vying for business, many go home each day penniless.
The busiest time of the year for pilgrims to the site is during the religious festival of Tazaung Mone in November.
But sometimes in rainy season, barely a single pilgrim will visit the pagoda. Outside the holiday season, many porters have to find alternative jobs.
Some of the porters use their unemployed time during the rains to scavenge the nearby mountains for herbal tree roots and fruit to sell at the market. Others work as farm hands.
In the off-season, Than Naing cuts down bamboo plants near his village, then chops them up and sells the bamboo to souvenir shops. But he only earns 100 kyat ($0.10) per plant and can barely manage five plants a day.
With six persons in the family, Than Naing’s mother must spend an average of 3,000 kyat ($3) per day on basic meals alone. Than Naing knows his salary from cutting bamboo is not enough.
On the other hand, working as a porter at Kyaik Hti Yoe Pagoda earns him in the region of 4,000 kyat ($4) to 8,000 kyat ($8) per day.
“As long as Kyaik Hti Yoe is standing, we’ll never starve,” he said confidently.
But while the energetic teenage porters bound up and down the hill happily three times a day, the veterans of the trade, some of whom have been doing the job for 40 years, get exhausted after one trip.
Aware of the steepness of the hill, most visitors prefer to choose young porters. More often than not, the “old boys” will spend several days sitting in the shade of the trees waiting for an officer to call their registration number.
“I’ve been working here for more than 40 years,” said 68-year-old porter Bo Aye. “I can carry any amount of baggage from Kinpun Point to the pagoda or even from Yathei Hill to the pagoda. But the visitors seldom hire me.”
Bo Aye said that, in the past, he could always earn enough as a porter to feed his family of four. But now he only gets work perhaps one day out of three or four, and is unable to provide for his family. His eldest son joined the military and died in battle when he was 17, but a younger son is also a porter.
“Some of the older porters want to retire or open a shop because they can no longer climb the hill every day,” said a 30-year-old woman, one of the few female porters at Yathei Hill. “Sometimes, they get exhausted by mid-journey and another porter has to take their load.”
She said the porters generally believe that by carrying the bags of Buddhist pilgrims they are not only making money, but making merit too.
“But I don’t want to work as a porter my whole life,” she said. “It’s very hard work.
“Each time I reach the top of the hill I pray at the pagoda that I can save enough money to quit this job and open a stall at the market.”
Malaysia's Ruling Party Elects New Team of Leaders
By EILEEN NG / AP WRITER
KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysia's ruling party elected a new leader along with a fresh team of deputies packed with his allies, hoping they would rebuild the party's tattered reputation and fix an economy galloping toward recession.
Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak—elected unopposed as president of the United Malays National Organization on Thursday—will also have to juggle competing interests in the party, curb infighting and mend his own image of a hard-liner tainted by corruption, analysts said Friday.
"Investors don't believe there is going to be much in the way of reform from Najib and his team," said Philip McNicholas, an economist with research firm IDEAglobal in Singapore. "He talks about reforms but he has to put his money where his mouth is."
In line with tradition, Najib as party president will also become the prime minister, a job he will inherit next week from the moderate Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who spent a largely ineffective 5 1/2 years in office.
Najib's first political test will be three parliamentary by-elections on April 7.
The elections "will be seen as a poll of his popularity. Right now, the market is just discounting any sort of strong government" to push through reforms, said McNicholas, adding there was a "fair degree of political risks" for investors.
The Malaysian economy is heading for recession despite a US$16 billion stimulus package that Najib announced earlier this month. Malaysia's central bank said Wednesday it expects exports—the main pillar of the economy—will fall by a quarter this year.
Najib, 55, is expected to appoint his right-hand man, International Trade and Industry Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who was elected as the party's deputy president in Thursday's elections, as the deputy prime minister.
Cabinet posts will also be given to three other allies, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Hishammuddin Hussein and Shafie Apdal who were elected as party vice presidents. Hishammuddin is Najib's cousin, and both are sons of two former prime ministers.
The party election virtually purged the top leadership of politicians aligned to Abdullah, except for his son-in-law Khairy Jamaulddin, who was elected head of the party's youth wing. The position normally carries with it a Cabinet ministerial post.
Najib is also saddled with criticism that he will crack down on the opposition and dissent. In recent days, the government shut down two opposition newspapers, and police used tear gas to break up a rally by opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.
But analysts say such concerns may be premature.
"It's unfair to prejudge him," said Ramon Navaratnam, chairman of the Center of Public Policy Center think tank in Kuala Lumpur. "Now that Najib is firmly in the saddle, he is in a position now to remove these uncertainties."
He said Najib will also have to show that he is not only the leader of the majority Malays but also of the Chinese and Indian minorities.
UMNO, a party of Malays, is the largest component in the National Front coalition that has ruled Malaysia since 1957. But for the first time in 40 years, the Front failed to get a two-thirds majority in Parliament and ceded control of five of Malaysia's 13 states to the opposition in March 2008 elections.
Many Malaysians see UMNO as a party of corrupt and power-hungry politicians. The party is also accused of subverting the judiciary, the police force, the bureaucracy and discriminating against the Chinese and Indian minorities.
The suave and articulate Najib has also been accused of corruption, including an alleged shady deal to purchase French submarines when he was defense minister. Najib denies the allegations.
KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysia's ruling party elected a new leader along with a fresh team of deputies packed with his allies, hoping they would rebuild the party's tattered reputation and fix an economy galloping toward recession.
Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak—elected unopposed as president of the United Malays National Organization on Thursday—will also have to juggle competing interests in the party, curb infighting and mend his own image of a hard-liner tainted by corruption, analysts said Friday.
"Investors don't believe there is going to be much in the way of reform from Najib and his team," said Philip McNicholas, an economist with research firm IDEAglobal in Singapore. "He talks about reforms but he has to put his money where his mouth is."
In line with tradition, Najib as party president will also become the prime minister, a job he will inherit next week from the moderate Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who spent a largely ineffective 5 1/2 years in office.
Najib's first political test will be three parliamentary by-elections on April 7.
The elections "will be seen as a poll of his popularity. Right now, the market is just discounting any sort of strong government" to push through reforms, said McNicholas, adding there was a "fair degree of political risks" for investors.
The Malaysian economy is heading for recession despite a US$16 billion stimulus package that Najib announced earlier this month. Malaysia's central bank said Wednesday it expects exports—the main pillar of the economy—will fall by a quarter this year.
Najib, 55, is expected to appoint his right-hand man, International Trade and Industry Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who was elected as the party's deputy president in Thursday's elections, as the deputy prime minister.
Cabinet posts will also be given to three other allies, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Hishammuddin Hussein and Shafie Apdal who were elected as party vice presidents. Hishammuddin is Najib's cousin, and both are sons of two former prime ministers.
The party election virtually purged the top leadership of politicians aligned to Abdullah, except for his son-in-law Khairy Jamaulddin, who was elected head of the party's youth wing. The position normally carries with it a Cabinet ministerial post.
Najib is also saddled with criticism that he will crack down on the opposition and dissent. In recent days, the government shut down two opposition newspapers, and police used tear gas to break up a rally by opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.
But analysts say such concerns may be premature.
"It's unfair to prejudge him," said Ramon Navaratnam, chairman of the Center of Public Policy Center think tank in Kuala Lumpur. "Now that Najib is firmly in the saddle, he is in a position now to remove these uncertainties."
He said Najib will also have to show that he is not only the leader of the majority Malays but also of the Chinese and Indian minorities.
UMNO, a party of Malays, is the largest component in the National Front coalition that has ruled Malaysia since 1957. But for the first time in 40 years, the Front failed to get a two-thirds majority in Parliament and ceded control of five of Malaysia's 13 states to the opposition in March 2008 elections.
Many Malaysians see UMNO as a party of corrupt and power-hungry politicians. The party is also accused of subverting the judiciary, the police force, the bureaucracy and discriminating against the Chinese and Indian minorities.
The suave and articulate Najib has also been accused of corruption, including an alleged shady deal to purchase French submarines when he was defense minister. Najib denies the allegations.
Obama Likely to Lean on Indonesia for Burma Help
By NEHGINPAO KIPGEN
In less than 100 days in the White House, President Barack Obama's foreign policies have either been spelled out or are under review. The administration is reviewing its Burma policy, looking at ways to engage the Burmese military junta.
Reaching out to Indonesia is one option that Washington is likely to consider. Indonesia is the only Southeast Asian country that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited during her first overseas trip in February.
During their telephone conversation on March 13, President Obama and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono discussed how to make progress on democracy and human rights in Burma. The conversation took place just a few days before the Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein's maiden visit to Jakarta since taking office in 2007.
Some good reasons why Obama is likely to lean toward Indonesia are: first, Indonesia is a country that has transitioned from military rule to democracy; second, Indonesia is the largest country is Southeast Asia and an influential member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, where Burma is also a member; third, by working together with the world's largest Muslim-majority nation, Obama wants to send a message to the Muslim world that America is not its enemy; fourth, Obama has a personal connection to Indonesia, where he lived for four years.
The Obama administration's possible policy shift on Burma was evidenced by a comment Hillary Clinton made in Jakarta: "Clearly, the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta."
Washington is likely to ask Jakarta to either mediate talks between the military junta and the opposition, or Washington may engage the military junta through Jakarta. This initiative could end up with Indonesia playing a pivotal role in a "six-party talks" model that was used in the North-Korean nuclear program negotiations.
Like Burma, Indonesia was under military rule for more than three decades (1967 to 1998) under the then President Suharto. With its own experiences of a successful transition to democracy, Jakarta is studying the possibility of a dual-function government in which Burmese military officers and civilians are each given roles in the transition from dictatorship to democracy.
The Indonesian model of democratic transition is something the Burmese military junta has considered for quite sometime. In an interview with the Singapore Straits Times newspaper in 2008, the United Nations special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, said, "I can reveal to you that the junta has been looking for a model closer to Indonesia where there was a transition from military to civilian rule and ultimately to democracy."
Meanwhile, the leaders of the State Peace and Development Council are anticipating a conciliatory tone from Washington. It, indeed, surprised many observers when junta chief Than Shwe sent a congratulatory message to Barack Obama on his election and inauguration, which many did not expect.
For more than two decades, the American government has punished the Burmese military junta through economic sanctions, primarily for its human rights violations and for not honoring the mandate of the 1990 general elections, in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won in a landslide, only to be ignored by the military who refused to honor the election results.
During their meeting on March 16, President Yudhoyono and Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein discussed a number of issues, including Rohingya refugees and the planned 2010 election in Burma.
"The president emphasized the importance of a credible, transparent, fair and inclusive election process. He also said Myanmar should not just conduct elections, but most importantly quality elections," said Indonesian presidential spokesman Dino Patti Djalal.
The irony, however, is that even if there is a "transparent and fair" election as suggested by President Yudhoyono, there is already a flaw in the constitution itself. For example, 25 percent of the seats in both houses of the parliament are reserved for the military and any amendment to the constitution would require more than 75 percent votes. This means that no amendment will happen without the support of the military.
If the military goes ahead with its roadmap without reviewing the constitution, the country will head for another stage of internal problems with lingering dissenting views. Any attempt to find a long-term solution to the ethno-political problems must include the participation of different ethnic nationalities.
The Obama administration should not consider lifting economic sanctions immediately before seeing any tangible progress on the ground. Benchmarks, including the release of political prisoners and making the democratization process inclusive, should be set for lifting sanctions. "Carrot and stick" diplomacy is necessary; neither one by itself is going to be pragmatic enough.
Obama and Yudhoyono are expected to hold further discussion at the G-20 summit in London on April 2, after which Obama will address the Muslim world from the Turkish parliament on April 6, which he pledged to do in his first hundred days in office.
Interestingly, Obama's family has a connection to Burma—President Obama's paternal grandfather, Hussein onyango Obama, served with the British army in Burma during World Ward II. We will have to wait and see if this connection matters to President Obama in his effort to help establish a genuine democratic society in the Union of Burma.
Nehginpao Kipgen is general secretary of the U.S.-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum.com) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004). He has written numerous analytical articles on the politics of Asia published in different leading international newspapers.
In less than 100 days in the White House, President Barack Obama's foreign policies have either been spelled out or are under review. The administration is reviewing its Burma policy, looking at ways to engage the Burmese military junta.
Reaching out to Indonesia is one option that Washington is likely to consider. Indonesia is the only Southeast Asian country that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited during her first overseas trip in February.
During their telephone conversation on March 13, President Obama and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono discussed how to make progress on democracy and human rights in Burma. The conversation took place just a few days before the Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein's maiden visit to Jakarta since taking office in 2007.
Some good reasons why Obama is likely to lean toward Indonesia are: first, Indonesia is a country that has transitioned from military rule to democracy; second, Indonesia is the largest country is Southeast Asia and an influential member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, where Burma is also a member; third, by working together with the world's largest Muslim-majority nation, Obama wants to send a message to the Muslim world that America is not its enemy; fourth, Obama has a personal connection to Indonesia, where he lived for four years.
The Obama administration's possible policy shift on Burma was evidenced by a comment Hillary Clinton made in Jakarta: "Clearly, the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta."
Washington is likely to ask Jakarta to either mediate talks between the military junta and the opposition, or Washington may engage the military junta through Jakarta. This initiative could end up with Indonesia playing a pivotal role in a "six-party talks" model that was used in the North-Korean nuclear program negotiations.
Like Burma, Indonesia was under military rule for more than three decades (1967 to 1998) under the then President Suharto. With its own experiences of a successful transition to democracy, Jakarta is studying the possibility of a dual-function government in which Burmese military officers and civilians are each given roles in the transition from dictatorship to democracy.
The Indonesian model of democratic transition is something the Burmese military junta has considered for quite sometime. In an interview with the Singapore Straits Times newspaper in 2008, the United Nations special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, said, "I can reveal to you that the junta has been looking for a model closer to Indonesia where there was a transition from military to civilian rule and ultimately to democracy."
Meanwhile, the leaders of the State Peace and Development Council are anticipating a conciliatory tone from Washington. It, indeed, surprised many observers when junta chief Than Shwe sent a congratulatory message to Barack Obama on his election and inauguration, which many did not expect.
For more than two decades, the American government has punished the Burmese military junta through economic sanctions, primarily for its human rights violations and for not honoring the mandate of the 1990 general elections, in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won in a landslide, only to be ignored by the military who refused to honor the election results.
During their meeting on March 16, President Yudhoyono and Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein discussed a number of issues, including Rohingya refugees and the planned 2010 election in Burma.
"The president emphasized the importance of a credible, transparent, fair and inclusive election process. He also said Myanmar should not just conduct elections, but most importantly quality elections," said Indonesian presidential spokesman Dino Patti Djalal.
The irony, however, is that even if there is a "transparent and fair" election as suggested by President Yudhoyono, there is already a flaw in the constitution itself. For example, 25 percent of the seats in both houses of the parliament are reserved for the military and any amendment to the constitution would require more than 75 percent votes. This means that no amendment will happen without the support of the military.
If the military goes ahead with its roadmap without reviewing the constitution, the country will head for another stage of internal problems with lingering dissenting views. Any attempt to find a long-term solution to the ethno-political problems must include the participation of different ethnic nationalities.
The Obama administration should not consider lifting economic sanctions immediately before seeing any tangible progress on the ground. Benchmarks, including the release of political prisoners and making the democratization process inclusive, should be set for lifting sanctions. "Carrot and stick" diplomacy is necessary; neither one by itself is going to be pragmatic enough.
Obama and Yudhoyono are expected to hold further discussion at the G-20 summit in London on April 2, after which Obama will address the Muslim world from the Turkish parliament on April 6, which he pledged to do in his first hundred days in office.
Interestingly, Obama's family has a connection to Burma—President Obama's paternal grandfather, Hussein onyango Obama, served with the British army in Burma during World Ward II. We will have to wait and see if this connection matters to President Obama in his effort to help establish a genuine democratic society in the Union of Burma.
Nehginpao Kipgen is general secretary of the U.S.-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum.com) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004). He has written numerous analytical articles on the politics of Asia published in different leading international newspapers.
WTO: Protectionism on Rise, Endangering Recovery
By BRADLEY S. KLAPPER / AP WRITER
GENEVA — The world is slipping dangerously into protectionism, threatening to strangle global economic recovery, the World Trade Organization said.
In an alarm bell to WTO's 153 members, Director-General Pascal Lamy said free trade has suffered "significant slippage" this year as countries have erected new barriers to imports in the form of tariffs, subsidies and other measures designed to protect domestic industries.
Lamy said Thursday there was still no indication of a global descent into the trade wars that helped bring on the Great Depression. But he said "the danger today is of an incremental buildup of restrictions that could slowly strangle international trade and undercut the effectiveness of policies to boost aggregate demand and restore sustained growth globally."
Lamy's 47-page report obtained by The Associated Press lists dozens of government policies that are or would appear protectionist, if not illegal.
Trade has been a key driver of global economic expansion over the past three decades, growing faster than economic output and spurring gains in both rich and poor countries. But it is being hit hard by the economic crisis, with the WTO announcing earlier this week that commercial activity was expected to shrink by 9 percent this year, the worst collapse since World War II.
Protectionism will be one of the key issues when 20 of the world's leading economic powers meet in London next week. Those countries, which pledged in November in Washington to avoid spurring their economies at the expense of others, did not escape criticism in the WTO report.
Lamy said fiscal stimulus and government bailouts should be welcomed in the current environment because they aim to reverse a fall in global demand and revive international trade in goods and services. But he said the trade effects of such packages needed to be considered as they can provoke tit-for-tat retaliation that hurts all economies.
Fears are rampant that amid the most dangerous economic downturn in 80 years countries will resort to the same shortsighted trade policies after the 1929 stock market crash.
The United States then led that charge by raising tariffs on hundreds of foreign goods, sparking worldwide retaliation and the devastation of international commerce.
Part of the danger is that global trade rules provide so much space for maneuvering that countries can inflict serious damage on foreign exporters without violating any agreements.
Most nations can legally raise their tariffs somewhat above the level they currently charge on imports. They can attach extra duties on foreign goods they suspect are being "dumped" at below-market value. Complicated import licenses can be required. Safety standards for imports can be set so high that trade stops. Rich countries have the option of subsidies.
"The main risk is that governments will continue to cede ground to protectionist pressures, even if only gradually, as long as the global economic situation continues to deteriorate," Lamy warned. "In that case, the negative impact on trade will mount as the number of new measures accumulates. This will worsen the contraction of world trade and undermine confidence in an early and sustained recovery in global economic activity."
The report praises efforts by some leaders, such as Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, to reject or reverse decisions aimed at making it harder for companies in foreign countries. President Barack Obama was also commended for ensuring that "Buy American" provisions in the United States' $789 billion stimulus package comply with international agreements.
But its shame list was longer.
In the footwear sector alone, Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Ecuador, the European Union, Turkey and Ukraine have enacted or are considering measures designed to slow imports from China or Vietnam, the report showed.
Australia, Brazil, Britain, Canada, France, India, Russia, and the United States were cited for automotive tariffs, subsidies, credits, licenses or other changes deemed dangerous to trade.
Argentina, the 27-nation EU, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Russia, Turkey, the US and Vietnam were listed for protective steel regulations.
It was Lamy's second report on protectionism this year. Future reports are expected every two months as the WTO steps up its monitoring of the crisis.
GENEVA — The world is slipping dangerously into protectionism, threatening to strangle global economic recovery, the World Trade Organization said.
In an alarm bell to WTO's 153 members, Director-General Pascal Lamy said free trade has suffered "significant slippage" this year as countries have erected new barriers to imports in the form of tariffs, subsidies and other measures designed to protect domestic industries.
Lamy said Thursday there was still no indication of a global descent into the trade wars that helped bring on the Great Depression. But he said "the danger today is of an incremental buildup of restrictions that could slowly strangle international trade and undercut the effectiveness of policies to boost aggregate demand and restore sustained growth globally."
Lamy's 47-page report obtained by The Associated Press lists dozens of government policies that are or would appear protectionist, if not illegal.
Trade has been a key driver of global economic expansion over the past three decades, growing faster than economic output and spurring gains in both rich and poor countries. But it is being hit hard by the economic crisis, with the WTO announcing earlier this week that commercial activity was expected to shrink by 9 percent this year, the worst collapse since World War II.
Protectionism will be one of the key issues when 20 of the world's leading economic powers meet in London next week. Those countries, which pledged in November in Washington to avoid spurring their economies at the expense of others, did not escape criticism in the WTO report.
Lamy said fiscal stimulus and government bailouts should be welcomed in the current environment because they aim to reverse a fall in global demand and revive international trade in goods and services. But he said the trade effects of such packages needed to be considered as they can provoke tit-for-tat retaliation that hurts all economies.
Fears are rampant that amid the most dangerous economic downturn in 80 years countries will resort to the same shortsighted trade policies after the 1929 stock market crash.
The United States then led that charge by raising tariffs on hundreds of foreign goods, sparking worldwide retaliation and the devastation of international commerce.
Part of the danger is that global trade rules provide so much space for maneuvering that countries can inflict serious damage on foreign exporters without violating any agreements.
Most nations can legally raise their tariffs somewhat above the level they currently charge on imports. They can attach extra duties on foreign goods they suspect are being "dumped" at below-market value. Complicated import licenses can be required. Safety standards for imports can be set so high that trade stops. Rich countries have the option of subsidies.
"The main risk is that governments will continue to cede ground to protectionist pressures, even if only gradually, as long as the global economic situation continues to deteriorate," Lamy warned. "In that case, the negative impact on trade will mount as the number of new measures accumulates. This will worsen the contraction of world trade and undermine confidence in an early and sustained recovery in global economic activity."
The report praises efforts by some leaders, such as Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, to reject or reverse decisions aimed at making it harder for companies in foreign countries. President Barack Obama was also commended for ensuring that "Buy American" provisions in the United States' $789 billion stimulus package comply with international agreements.
But its shame list was longer.
In the footwear sector alone, Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Ecuador, the European Union, Turkey and Ukraine have enacted or are considering measures designed to slow imports from China or Vietnam, the report showed.
Australia, Brazil, Britain, Canada, France, India, Russia, and the United States were cited for automotive tariffs, subsidies, credits, licenses or other changes deemed dangerous to trade.
Argentina, the 27-nation EU, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Russia, Turkey, the US and Vietnam were listed for protective steel regulations.
It was Lamy's second report on protectionism this year. Future reports are expected every two months as the WTO steps up its monitoring of the crisis.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)