Doing What Needs to be Done

By THE IRRAWADDY

Earlier this week, The Irrawaddy spoke with Win Tin, Burma’s longest-serving political prisoner, who was released on Tuesday after spending 19 years behind bars. He spoke of his commitment to the cause of democracy, his faith in the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, and his gratitude to supporters and those have already sacrificed much for the sake of their country.

Question: Why did the junta release you?

Answer: It was an insincere act. It was cheating. I was serving a 20-year sentence. According to the jail manual [which sets prison regulations], there should be a 3-month reduction for each year that you serve of your prison term. Those who are sentenced to 20 years should only have to stay in prison for 15 or 16 years. That’s because after serving 16 years, you should get a 48-month reduction. That’s four years off the original sentence. I should have been released [three years ago].

I was put on the list of prisoners who could be released under Section 401 [of the Criminal Procedure Code, which allows for early release at the discretion of the military authorities], but I was not released because I didn’t accept [the conditions set by the government]. I always refused to sign an agreement to accede to a reduction of my prison term under Section 401.

At first, I was given a 3-year sentence in 1989. In 1991, they fed me lunch and offered to release me under Section 401. I refused their offer. Then again in 1995, when U Kyi Maung and U Tin Oo were released, I was again given an opportunity to be released under Section 401. I refused it again. In February 2008, when I was hospitalized, I was again offered release under Section 401; again, I refused.

They released me [this time] under Section 401, even though I had refused to accept it several times. I insisted that I should be released because I was entitled to be released—that’s all. So the military government just lumped me together with all the other released prisoners. In that way, they diluted the problem. That’s what I mean when I say they cheated.

Q: How could you stand to stay in prison for over 19 years?

A: Sometimes I was disappointed or discouraged or not in a good mood, as I am only human. I am not a man of iron. But I was able to stand it because I always kept three principles in mind by repeating to myself the words Suu Hlut Twe. “Suu” means Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and stands for [our demand for] the unconditional release of all political prisoners. “Hlut” stands for convening the People’s Parliament, the Hluttaw. And “Twe” means dialogue.

By keeping these three principles in mind, I was able to endure my time in prison. I applied them together in every situation. For example, when we demanded prisoners’ rights, we always raised the issues of convening the Hluttaw and dialogue at the same time. Even if we could not meet with senior leaders of the regime, we could demand these things when we met with the prison authorities. In this way, we maintained the principle of dialogue at all times.

Another principle I held is the “three supports.” We have to support the National League for Democracy. The NLD is our organization. If you talk about democracy, there must be organizations. The junta will be very happy if it disintegrates. Concerning the NLD’s strengths and weaknesses, we should try to turn the weaknesses into strengths. So we should support the NLD.

Another thing we need to support is the Hluttaw. Parliament’s mandate comes from the people. It is not just the NLD’s mandate. It is also about other parties. That’s why the parliament must be supported.

We also need to support Daw Suu’s leadership. Daw Suu is the most important person in the whole movement. She might have some flaws. It is not about a personality cult. Daw Suu’s role and activities have been very important over the past 20 years. Her leadership should not be dwarfed or diminished. So support Daw Suu’s leadership.

I think I could stand to stay in prison because I firmly grasped these principles. But like I said before, I am not made of iron. I was sometimes unhappy or in poor health. But I did not lose sight of the current political situation and maintained my strength of mind because of these principles.

Q: The military government said they are meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi. And they are planning to hold an election in 2010. Some people, including [writer and former NLD MP] Maung Sue San, have said that the election is the only pragmatic way forward. So what do you think about the 2010 election?

A: I think it should be considered together with dialogue. The military junta has blocked the way forward; it has placed an obstacle in the way. The obstacle is the constitution, which includes registration laws for political parties and election laws [that impose restrictions on the political activities of opposition parties]. So the road ahead is blocked.

Ko Sue San said that dialogue is just a decoration. I don’t accept that. This is the way of the defeated. Yes, the way is blocked. The junta has planned it that way since it first held the National Convention [to draft a new constitution] in 1992. That’s why I have always said we could not legitimize it by taking part in it.

I have always said we must boycott the National Convention. I said the same thing to [US Congressman] Mr Bill Richardson in 1994. I said it in front of the prison authorities and military intelligence. I have never accepted the National Convention. It is a sham.

We have always believed in solving problems through democratic dialogue. Even before 1992, the NLD took this line in October 1988. Daw Suu signed [a letter calling for dialogue] in October and send it to SLORC [the State Law and Order Restoration Council, which seized power in September 1988].

That’s when the junta proposed the National Convention. Now, the constitution has appeared and the road has been blocked. The only way around it is through dialogue. Although the road has been blocked, we will continue to demand [dialogue] until the road is totally closed. So I do not accept that dialogue is just a decoration.

We can still demand dialogue. At least, we have to tell the junta not to block the way. Why can’t we correct them? We cannot take it easy.

Q: If you had a chance to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, what advice would you give her?

A: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the leader. I accept her leadership. She can perform a lot more than me politically or spiritually or in terms of sacrifice. I have always believed in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s intelligence, determination and commitment.

If I had a chance to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, I would ask her, “What do you think? What can I do to support your idea?” I believe she already has her own ideas. I am not talking about blind allegiance. But I would ask her what needs to be done, and I would do what I can.

I did politics for just nine months, and had to stay in prison for 19 years. So obviously I am just a political layperson. I just work. People talk about me in various ways. They say I can advise Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but I reject that role. I am not saying this out of false humility. I think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is extraordinarily smart, and that the ideas that come out of her head are so good that they don’t need to be changed. I worked full time to realize them. That’s all. I can do more than other people because I am single. Before, I could work 15 or 16 hours a day. I worked this way at The Mirror, too.

Q: Some critics say that without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD would die. Now she is under house arrest, and some critics say that the current NLD leadership is too weak to bring about political change. What do you think of the NLD’s current leadership?

A: Your question has two parts. I will answer the first part first, because it is more interesting.
It is true that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is very smart and admirable. But it doesn’t matter for the organization whether she is present or not. When I say that [the NLD] must work even if she is not around, it doesn’t mean that she is not important. The fact that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the leader will not disappear.

[Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, independence leader] Gen Aung San was assassinated, but his spirit remained and the [Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League] lived on after he died. Did the AFPFL disappear after Aung San died? No.

In the same way, I don’t believe the NLD will simply vanish without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Her spirit will remain. She will remain a model even after she dies or retires. As long as her spirit exists in the NLD, the organization will survive.

Regarding the second point about the current leadership, I would like to say that they are human beings. Isn’t that so? [Some people also criticize me.] For example, yesterday a friend of mine told me not to be too emotional. But I am not emotional. I am trying to build up dynamism. Some may say that the old man is talking nonsense. He is outdated. There are a lot of things he does not understand. That may be true. It is possible that there are things I don’t understand yet.

I try to take this into account. I know I have a lot of flaws. But I am trying to be active. Why do I want to build up dynamism? Because without it, we have nothing.

Right now, I am giving a lot of interviews. I could make excuses [for not giving interviews], like saying I have to meditate, or my business is not good. Why am I speaking with so many people? Because I want dynamism. I don’t have time to listen to what I have said to check how much of it is right or wrong. I just keep talking. Yesterday, I talked from six in the morning until four in the evening. After that I continued talking until 11 or 12 o’clock at night.

Why am I talking in this way? Because I want to spread dynamism. I may say something wrong, or miss something. If people blame me for it, I will accept their criticism. But don’t accuse me of lacking dynamism.

I think the current NLD leadership has been doing what they can do. Perhaps they lack dynamism. We might need to push them a little. If something is lacking, we need to address it. If they are wrong, we need to criticize them. It is an organization. An organization needs internal discussion. We need to talk about the leadership. I don’t want to blame them. If there is something unacceptable, I will say so. I will correct, direct and support them. So I don’t side with the leadership or blame them. The leadership is doing what they can do. What they do is right to some extent. If there is something wrong, we will correct it.

Q: What are your plans now that you have contact with the outside world after 19 years in prison?

A: I will do democracy politics. I now am 79 years old. To tell the truth, I don’t know very much about politics. I was involved in politics for only about 9 months. If you count my experience in prison, it’s a much longer time. But because I had to stay alone in the prison, I could not discuss, talk, negotiate, argue or set goals. I was alone. So my political experience is just a little. But I have many reasons [for wanting to continue my political work]. One is that I am one of the founding members of the NLD. So I believe I can continue to do politics by siding with the NLD, which is working for the true cause of democracy. So in short, I want to say that I will continue to do my democracy politics.

Q: One last question. What would you like to say to people who have been working for your release, and to your friends and fellow activists working for democracy in Burma?

A: I was very encouraged. There is nothing I can say, except that it helped me a great deal. I had many difficulties in prison, such as with the food and being unable to meet with relatives and other prisoners. I am very grateful for the encouragement, support and supplies that I received when I was experiencing difficult times. So I thank you for that.

This encouragement is still very important to me, because to be frank, politics can only be done with encouragement. No one can do it just by sitting and thinking. There has to be enthusiasm. That’s why I am enthusiastic. Whether I am inside or outside the prison, or support comes from inside or outside the country, it is very important. I will be active, dynamic and lively [because] I am very encouraged by this support.

Another thing I want to say is that there are a lot of people who have died, who no longer do politics, who are staying away from politics. But they did a lot. For example, some NLD leaders like Maung Thaw Ka, U Tin Maung Win and U Tin Shwe, and U Khin Maung Myint from [the disbanded People’s Progressive Party], all died in prison. Some people also lost their appetite and couldn’t sleep because they lost everything they had—property, businesses, their whole lives—in prison. There are a lot of people who have done more and made greater sacrifices than I have. We owe them our gratitude.

There are also some people who are staying away from politics for various reasons. We need to recognize what they have done. We need to understand and value what they have sacrificed.
So we should be thankful to those who have been supporting us, both inside and outside the country. It encourages us very much. And at the same time, we must not forget those who have sacrificed many things, including those who have passed away in prison. We need to value and remember what they have done. That’s all I would like to say.